JANE  KoSATHER 


THE   HOUSE    OF    CECIL 


>",o. 


Photo    Emery  Walker 


WILLIAM,   LORD    BURGHL?:V,    K.G. 


THE 

CECIL    FAMILY 


BY 


G.  RAVENSCROFT    DENNIS 


ILLUSTRATED 


BOSTON     AND     NEW     YORK 
HOUGHTON    MIFFLIN    COMPANY 

1914 


-v 


V 


.-%K 


PREFACE 

The  house  of  Cecil  rose  into  eminence  in  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  for  the  latter  half 
of  which  Lord  Burghley  was  the  foremost  states- 
man in  England.  His  sons,  Thomas,  Earl  of 
Exeter,  and  Robert,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  founded 
the  two  branches  of  the  family  which  still  have 
their  seats  at  Burghley  and  Hatfield.  After  the 
death  of  Lord  Salisbury  in  1612,  no  Cecils  with 
any  great  claims  to  distinction  appeared  in  either 
branch  until  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
when  the  late  Marquess  of  Salisbury,  the  "  greater 
Cecil  of  a  greater  Queen,"  arose  to  prove  that  the 
spirit  of  his  ancestor  was  only  dormant. 

Thus  by  far  the  greater  part  of  this  record  is 
taken  up  with  the  life  story  of  three  great  men — 
Lord  Burghley,  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  and  the  third 
Marquess  of  Salisbury.  Of  Burghley  many  lives 
have  been  written,  and  I  cannot  pretend  to  have 
discovered  anything  new  about  him.  So  far  as  I 
know,  however,  no  separate  biography  of  Sir 
Robert  Cecil  exists,  and  the  chapters  devoted  to 
him,  inadequate  as  they  are,  contain  a  good  deal  of 
material  gathered  together  from  various  sources  for 
the  first  time.  Since  this  book  is  intended  to  be  a 
history  of  the  family,  rather  than  of  public  events,  I 
have  endeavoured  to  lay  special  stress  on  the  private 
life  and  character  both  of  Burghley  and  his  son. 


vi  PREFACE 

Of  the  late  Marquess  of  Salisbury,  no  full 
biography  has  yet  been  published,  the  official  Life 
by  Lady  Gwendolen  Cecil  being  eagerly  awaited. 
But  the  history  of  his  public  life,  at  least,  is 
common  property,  and  the  main  outlines  of  his 
character  are  well  known.  His  many  points  of 
resemblance  to  Lord  Burghley  have  not,  I  think, 
been  brought  out  before. 

For  convenience,  the  history  of  the  elder  branch 
of  the  family — the  Exeter  line — has  been  told  first. 
Thus  the  life  of  Lord  Burghley  is  followed  by 
chapters  on  Sir  Thomas  Cecil — a  man  of  no  great 
attainments,  but  of  a  straightforward  and  engaging 
disposition,  who  has  been  unduly  depreciated  by 
previous  writers — and  his  son  Sir  Edward,  Vis- 
count Wimbledon.  A  single  chapter  is  sufficient 
to  chronicle  the  later  fortunes  of  this  branch. 
The  history  of  the  Salisbury  line  begins  with  the 
life  of  Robert,  the  first  Earl,  and  ends  with  that 
of  the  late  Marquess.  The  record  of  the  two 
intervening  centuries  is  again  easily  contained 
in  one  chapter,  which,  however,  is  not  without 
elements  of  human  interest. 

I  have  to  thank  Miss  Constance  Jacob  for  her 
zeal  in  unearthing  information,  especially  about 
the  less  important  people  whose  lives  are  here 
recorded  ;  and  Mr.  S.  H.  Morgan  for  reading  the 
proofs  and  helping  me  in  many  ways. 

G.  R.  D. 

LUSTLEIGH, 

April,  1913 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    The  Founding  of  the  Family     .         .         .         i 


11.  William  Cecil,  Lord  Burghley 

III.  William  Cecil,  Lord  Burghley — continued 

IV.  William  Cecil,  Lord  Burghley — continued 
V.  Thomas  Cecil,  First  Earl  of  Exeter 

VI.  Edward  Cecil,  Viscount  Wimbledon 

VII.  The  Exeter  Line        .... 

VIII.  Robert  Cecil,  First  Earl  of  Salisbury 

IX.  Robert  Cecil,  First  Earl  of  Salisbury — 
continued  ...... 

X.  Robert  Cecil,  First  Earl  of  Salisbury — 
continued  ...... 

XL  The  Salisbury  Line   .... 

XII.  The  Third  Marquess  of  Salisbury    . 


15 
36 
60 

79 
103 
121 
146 

171 

193 
219 
247 


XIII.    The  Third  Marquess  OF  Salisbury — continued    279 


Appendix  :  The  Manuscripts  at  Hatfield      .         .313 
Index      .  317 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


William,  Lord  Burghley,  K.G.  .  .  Frontispiece 

By  Marc  Gheeraedts 
Burghley  House  :  North-west  View  . 
Burghley  House  :  Ground  Plan 
William,  Lord  Burghley,  K.G.,  riding  on  a  Mule 

[Bodleian  Library) 

Thomas,  First  Earl  of  Exeter,  K.G. 

Burghley  House  :  The  Stone  Staircase 

From  a  drawing  by  Joseph  Nash,  1841 

Burghley  House  :  The  Central  Court 

From  a  drawing  by  Joseph  Nash,  1841 

Robert,  First  Earl  of  Salisbury,  K.G. 
By  Marc  Gheeraedts 

Hatfield  House  :  South  View     . 
Hatfield  House  :  Ground  Plan  . 
William,  Second  Earl  of  Salisbury,  K.G. 

By  Vandyck 
Mary  Amelia,  Wife  of  James,  First  Marquess  or 
Salisbury       ....... 

By  Sir  J.  Reynolds 

Hatfield  House  :  The  Long  Gallery 

From  a  drawing  by  Joseph  Nash,  1841 

Robert,  Third  Marquess  of  Salisbury,  K.G. 

By  George  Richmond,  R.A . 
Hatfield  House  :  North  View     .... 


Facing  ^.34 

54 
76 

96 
134 

144 

176 

204 
208 
220 


240 


256 


272 


304 


THE    CECILS 


CHAPTER   I 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY 

The  authentic  history  of  the  house  of  Cecil  may 
be  said  to  begin  with  David  Cyssell,  or  Syssell, 
of  Stamford,  the  grandfather  of  Lord  Burghley. 
Unfortunately  Burghley  delighted  in  heraldry  and 
genealogy,  a  dangerous  hobby  in  those  days,  when 
even  the  kings-of-arms  were  not  above  manu- 
facturing a  long  pedigree  for  a  man  of  wealth  and 
position.  Numerous  scraps  of  pedigrees  and 
genealogical  notes  in  Burghley's  handwriting  exist 
at  Hatfield,  which,  if  they  prove  nothing  else, 
show  at  least  that  the  pedigree  which  was  finally 
accepted  was  the  outcome  of  a  dozen  other  ver- 
sions which  did  not  work  out  satisfactorily. 
"  The  collections  made  for  him,"  says  Mr.  Oswald 
Barron,  "  are  suspect  in  their  origin  and  untrust- 
worthy in  detail,  and  it  might  have  been  better  for 
the  modem  genealogist  had  Burghley  been  careless 
of  his  source,  for  we  have  on  this  side  the  suspicion 
of  documents  tampered  with,  and  on  the  other 

c.  B 


2  THE    CECILS 

side  the  suspicion  that  inconvenient  fact  has  been 

suppressed."^ 

According  to  the  official  pedigree,  David  Cyssell 
was  the  younger  son  of  Richard  Ciceh  of  Allt  yr 
Ynys  in  Herefordshire,  and  his  descent  is  traced 
back  through  fifteen  generations  to  one  Robert 
Sytsylt,  who,  in  the  year  1091,  assisted  Robert  Fitz- 
Hamon  in  the  conquest  of  Glamorganshire,  and  was 
the  father  of  Sir  James  Sitsilt,  baron  of  Beauport. 

In  the  course  of  four  centuries  the  family  is  said 
to  have  become  allied  by  marriage  to  many  of  the 
most  ancient  and  eminent  families  in  the  county  of 
Hereford,  such  as  the  Frenes,  Pembridges,  Basker- 
villes,  De  la  Beres,  and  others,  yet  it  is  a  surprising 
fact  that  throughout  this  long  period  its  name  does 
not  once  appear  among  the  sheriffs  of  the  county, 
nor  among  its  representatives  in  Parliament,  nor 
even  in  the  list  of  the  gentry  of  Herefordshire 
drawn  up  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.,  though  that 
list  contains  many  of  the  names  which  are 
enumerated  among  the  Cecil  alliances.- 

To  add  further  verisimilitude  to  the  record,  a 
picturesque  story  is  told  of  a  great  contention 
between  Sir  John  Sitsilt  and  Sir  William  Fakenham, 
which  took  place  in  1333  at  Halidon  Hill,  near 
Berwick.  Each  disputant  claimed  a  certain  coat 
of  arms^  as  his  right,  and  offered  to  maintain  the 

*  Northamptonshire  Families  (Victoria  County  Histories),  p.  21. 
Mr.  Barron's  researches  have  rendered  all  other  writers  on  the  subject 
obsolete. 

^  Blore,  History  of  Rutland  (1811),  p.  76. 

^  Viz.,  Barry  of  ten,  argent  and  azure,  over  all  six  escutcheons, 
3.2.1.  each  charged  with  a  lion  rampant  of  the  field.  The  present  arms 
of  the  Cecils. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY       3 

same  by  force  of  arms.  Edward  III.,  however, 
referred  the  dispute  to  the  heralds,  who  solemnly 
adjudged  the  right  of  bearing  these  arms  to 
Sir  John  Sitsilt,  as  heir  of  the  blood,  lineally 
descended  from  Sir  James  Sitsilt,  Lord  of  Beauport, 
who  was  killed  at  the  siege  of  Wallingford  in  1139. 
In  his  Workes  of  Armorie  (1597)  Bossewell  gives 
transcripts  of  these  proceedings,  adding  that  he 
has  himself  seen  in  the  possession  of  Lord  Burghley 
the  original  writing,  "  being  written  in  parchment, 
according  to  the  antiquity  of  the  time." 

Here  again  it  is  surprising  to  find  that  the  names 
of  neither  of  these  distinguished  disputants  occur 
in  any  of  the  rolls  of  arms  ;  and  although  such 
disputes  did  undoubtedly  occur  in  the  middle  ages, 
yet,  to  sum  up  the  matter  in  the  words  of  Blore, 
"  the  evidence  should  be  very  decisive  indeed, 
which  would  induce  one  to  credit  such  a  dispute 
having  been  maintained  by  a  member  of  a  family, 
concerning  at  least  eleven  generations  of  which 
there  does  not  seem  to  be  a  single  public  record, 
or  another  private  document,  even  if  those  noticed 
by  Bossewell  really  existed  " — or  rather,  we  may 
say,  if  they  were  really  authentic.  In  fact,  as 
Mr.  Oswald  Barron  points  out,  the  whole  pro- 
ceedings are  based  on  the  famous  suit  of  Scrope 
against  Grosvenor. 

This  version  of  the  ancestry  of  the  family  may 
therefore  be  dismissed.  Two  other  theories  must 
be  mentioned  before  we  pass  on  to  surer  ground. 
One  of  these  was  propounded  by  an  ingenious 
Frenchman    in    the    seventeenth    century,    who 

B  2 


4  THE    CECILS 

proved  to  his  own  satisfaction  that  the  family  was 
descended  from  the  Ceciles  of  Frasne  in  Burgundy, 
and  that  David  Cecil  of  Stamford  was  the  first  who 
settled  in  England/  The  other  suggestion  is  that 
of  Richard  Verstegan,  who,  speaking  of  the  Welsh 
people,  says,  "it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  that 
during  the  space  of  about  500  years  that  they  were 
subject  unto  the  Romans,  divers  of  the  Romans 
settled  and  mixed  themselves  among  them  ;  whose 
posterity  hath  since  remained  in  account  as 
being  of  the  ancient  families  of  Wales  ;  and  I 
do  find  very  probable  reason  to  enduce  me  to 
think,  that  among  others,  the  honourable  family 
of  the  Cecils,  being  issued  from  Wales,  is  originally 
descended  from  the  Romans."  ^ 

Returning  to  reasonable  probabilities,  it  may  be 
said  that  although  the  pedigrees  which  assign  a 
long  lineage  to  the  Cicelts  or  Seycelds  of  AUt  yr 
Ynys  are  entirely  untrustworthy,  there  seems  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  a  connection  did  exist 
between  them  and  the  Cecils  of  Stamford. 

The  Herefordshire  family,  "  a  race  of  yeomen 
or  small  gentry,"  certainly  claimed  kinship  with 
the  Northamptonshire  Cecils,  and  made  frequent 
requests  for  preferment  and  help  on  the  strength 
of  the  connection.  The  Cecils  on  their  side 
admitted  the  relationship  and  Burghley  adopted 

1  See  Nares,  Memoirs  of  Burghley,  III.  App.  I. 

^  Restitution  of  Decayed  Intelligence  in  Antiquities,  ed.  1673,  p.  346. 
Mr  Andrew  Lang  considered  that  the  name  of  Cecil  was  derived  from 
the  Roman  C;ecilius,  which  may  very  likely  be  the  case.  He  also  stated 
that  Russell  Lowell  thought  the  original  form  of  the  name  was  "  Sicile," 
and  that  the  family  were  Jews  iVQTQ  Sicily  {Illustrated  London  News, 
November  nth,  191 1,  p.  762), 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY       5 

the  arms  of  the  Seycelds,  quartered  with  Winston 
and  Carlyon.^ 

A  pedigree,  apparently  genuine,  at  Hatfield, 
shows  that  Philip  Seyceld  of  Allt  yr  Ynys  had  a 
son  Richard,  whose  will,  October  8th,  1508,  is  also 
extant.  Richard  had  two  sons,  PhiHp,  of  Allt  yr 
Ynys,  who  seems  to  have  died  in  his  father's 
lifetime,  and  David,  who  in  all  probability  is 
identical  with  the  grandfather  of  Lord  Burghley. 

Philip  had  a  son  John,  who  died  in  1551  ;  and 
John  had  three  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom,  William, 
died  in  March,  1598,  leaving  one  son  and  eight 
daughters.  One  of  his  sons-in-law,  Paul  de  la  Hay, 
sends  Burghley  an  account  of  the  funeral,  from 
which  we  see  that  the  family  looked  up  to  the  Lord 
Treasurer  as  their  patron  and  protector.  He 
describes  how  the  eight  sons-in-law  of  the  deceased 
and  three  of  his  nephews  followed  the  coffin,  and 
after  them  his  son  Matthew's  wife,  the  eight 
daughters,  and  William's  sister  Alice  in  mourning 
attire.  "  His  wife  refused  to  be  present,  albeit 
requested  and  a  gown's  cloth  sent  her."  After- 
wards a  distribution  of  bread  and  money  was  made 
to  the  poor,  "  and  so,"  he  continues,  "  in  worship- 
ful manner  was  the  funeral  celebrated  to  your 
Lordship's  commendations,  for  that  to  the  credit 

1  Mr.  A.  C.  Fox-Davies  has  pointed  out  that  the  fact  that  Lord 
Burghley  adopted  these  arms  with  quartering  of  Winston  only  (for 
Carlyon  was  brought  in  by  Winston)  "  would  seem  to  indicate  the 
probability  that  that  much  of  the  pedigree  was  within  his  own  know- 
ledge which  it  may  well  have  been."  The  mother  of  the  first  Philip 
Seyceld,  mentioned  above,  is  said  to  have  been  a  Winston.  See  The 
Genealogy  of  the  Cecils,  in  Jack's  Historical  Monograph  on  Lord  Burghley 
(1904). 


6  THE   CECILS 

of  the  house  of  Alterinis,  I  gave  out  the  charge  to 
be  yours,  which  amounted  to  £ioo."  ^ 

Matthew,  WiUiam's  only  son,  was  dangerously 
ill  at  the  time  and  died  soon  afterwards,  not  with- 
out having  tried  to  oppose  his  father's  will.  Two 
of  the  sons-in-law  also  appealed  to  Lord  Burghley, 
on  the  ground  that  William,  "  wishing  to  continue 
the  name  of  Cecil  in  that  house,"  had  conveyed  the 
property  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil  and  his  heirs,  "  to  the 
disherison  of  his  own  issue."  They  also  accused 
Paul  de  la  Hay  and  another  of  the  sons-in-law  of 
having  seized  all  William's  valuable  personal 
property  "  under  a  disorderly  will  which  was 
written  by  a  servant  of  the  said  De  la  Hay." 

Nor  did  the  altercations  and  dissensions  in  the 
family  end  here.  Matthew's  widow,  Catherine, 
caused  great  trouble,  and  De  la  Hay  charges  her 
with  "  playing  a  lewd  part  of  purpose  to  raise  seed 
to  disinherit  Sir  Robert :  with  waste  of  goods, 
with  harbouring  Lloyd  a  murderer,  of  purpose  to 
murder  him  [De  la  Hay],  and  with  beating  and 
starving  Alice  the  aged  sister  of  William  Cecil." 
De  la  Hay,  by  arrangement  with  Sir  Robert, 
assumed  control  of  the  property,  which  however 
he  found  so  hampered  with  debts,  dowries,  heriots 
and  legacies  that  he  says,  "  I  shall  have  as  good  a 
bargain  as  an  egg  for  a  penny." 

Finally  the  estate  was  sold  and  came  into  the 
possession  of  Guy's  Hospital.  And  so  we  may 
take  leave  of  the  Herefordshire  Cecils. 

1  Cal.  of  Hatfield  MSS.,  VIII.  82.     The  details  that  follow  are  also 
obtained  from  the  Hatfield  papers. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY       7 

The  history  of  David  Cecil,  the  younger  son  of 
Richard,  is  of  greater  interest,  as  he  was  the 
founder  of  his  family's  fortunes.  Through  his 
grandmother  he  was  related  to  Sir  David  Philipp, 
who  accompanied  Henry  VII.  out  of  Wales  and 
fought  at  Bosworth  Field,  afterwards  settling 
at  Thornhaugh  in  Northamptonshire.^  Burghley 
states  that  David  Cecil  followed  Sir  David  Philipp 
in  the  campaign,  and  "  Davy  Scisseld  "  proved  his 
will  in  1506  as  one  of  his  executors.  Further 
proof  of  the  identity  of  Burghley's  grandfather 
with  the  Welsh  David  is  afforded  by  the  fact  that 
the  former  was  one  of  the  yeomen  of  the  guard, 
who  were  chiefly  composed  of  Henry's  Welsh 
followers.^ 

As  for  the  differences  in  the  spelling  of  the 
name,  a  letter  written  by  Burghley's  son,  the  first 
Earl  of  Exeter,  to  his  uncle,  Hugh  Allington 
(November  13th,  1605),  is  of  interest.  Some 
libel  having  been  published  reflecting  on  the 
origin  of  the  family,  he  asks  his  uncle  to  search  in 
his  study  at  Burghley  for  documents,  and  adds : 
"  Likewise  my  Lord  my  father's  altering  the 
writing  of  his  name  maketh  many  that  are  not  well 
affected  to  our  house  to  doubt  whether  we  are 
rightly  descended  of  the  house  of  Wales,  because 
they  write  their  name  Sitselt  and  our  name  is 
written  Cecyll  ;  my  grandfather  wrote  it  Syssell ; 
and  so  in  autography    [sic]    all  the  three  names 

1  Blore,  History  of  Rutland. 

2  A  fact  discovered  by  Mr.  Oswald  Barron,  to  whom  I  am  indebted 
for  many  of  the  details  of  David's  life.     See  Northamptonshire  Families. 


8  THE   CECILS 

differ.     Whereof  I  marvel  what  moved  my  Lord 
my  father  to  alter  it."  ^ 

To  this  it  may  be  added  that  in  the  Patent  Rolls 
David's  name  is  spelt  :  Scisseld,  Cecille,  Cecill, 
Cecile,  Sicile,  Ceyssell,  and  the  variants  Cicyll  and 
Cecyll  occur  in  connection  with  his  son  Richard. 

David  Cecil,  then,  settled  in  Stamford,  and  soon 
estabHshed  himself  as  a  worthy  citizen.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  freedom  of  the  borough  in  1494, 
and  was  a  common  councillor  and  one  of  "  the 
twelve  "  in  the  following  year.  He  was  alderman, 
or  mayor  of  the  borough  in  1504,  1515,  and  1526, 
and  represented  it  in  three  Parliaments.  In  1507 
he  founded  a  chantry  in  St.  George's  Church, 
and  in  1509  his  name  occurs  in  the  list  of  the 
yeomen  of  the  King's  guard  at  the  funeral  of 
Henry  VII.  The  same  year  he  was  made  Bailiff 
of  Preston,  Uppingham,  and  Essendine,  in 
Rutland,  and  of  Skellingthorpe,  in  Lincoln- 
shire ;  and  in  June,  1511,  he  received  the 
appointment  of  Water-bailiff  of  Wittlesea  Mere, 
Huntingdon,  and  Keeper  of  the  Swans  there  and 
throughout  the  waters  and  fens  in  the  counties  of 
Huntingdon,  Cambridge,  Lincoln,  and  Northamp- 
ton, for  the  term  of  thirty  years.  Two  years  later 
he  was  made  one  of  the  King's  Serjeants-at-Arms, 
and  in  15 17  he  secured  for  his  son  Richard  the 
office  of  a  King's  page.  He  also  obtained  the 
Keepership  of  Clyff  Park,  Northamptonshire, 
jointly  with  his  son,  and  afterwards  received  the 
further   appointment   of   Steward   of   the   King's 

'  Collins'  Peerage,  ed.  Brydges,  II.  587. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY       9 

manor  of  Colly- Weston  in  the  same  county  and 
Escheator  for  the  county  of  Lincoln.  In  1532  and 
1533  he  was  Sheriff  of  the  county  of  Northampton, 
"  which,"  says  Fuller,  "  proves  him  a  person  of 
birth,  brains,  and  estate  ;  seeing,  in  that  age,  in 
this  county,  so  plentiful  of  capable  persons,  none 
were  advanced  to  that  office  except  esquires  at 
least  of  much  merit."  ^ 

This  long  list  of  appointments  and  offices  proves 
also  that  David  Cecil  was  a  man  of  much  more 
than  average  energy  and  perseverance,  as  well 
as  uncommon  ability.  The  old  territorial  nobility, 
whose  ranks  had  been  depleted  by  the  Wars  of 
the  Roses,  were  giving  place  to  a  new  nobility, 
dependent  on  the  favour  of  the  King  ;  and  the 
large  landed  proprietors  began  to  be  recruited  from 
the  ranks  of  yeomen  and  smaller  gentry.  Both 
David  Cecil  and  his  son  were  quick  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  situation,  assiduously  courting  the  King's 
favour  and  acquiring  lands,  property  and  influence. 

Lord  Burghley  has  recorded  in  his  MS.  Diary 
that  his  grandfather  died  in  1536."  But  there  is 
evidence  that  he  was  still  a  yeoman  of  the  guard 
in  December  of  that  year,  and  though  his  will  is 
dated  January  25th,  1536,  which  may  have  given 
rise  to  the  mistake,  it  was  not  proved  till  March, 
1542.  We  may  conclude  therefore  that  he  died 
shortly  before  the  later  date. 

He  was  twice  married,  first  to  Alice  Dicons, 
daughter  and  heir  of  John  Dicons,  alderman  of 
Stamford,  who  was  also  connected  by  marriage 

1   Worthies,  ed.  1840,  II.  535. 

*  "  Anno  1536.     David  Cecil,  avus  meus,  mortuus  est." 


10  THE   CECILS 

with  Sir  David  Philipp,  and  secondly  to  Joan  Roos, 
daughter  and  heir  of  Thomas  Roos,  of  Dowsby, 
Lincohishire,  who  had  twice  previously  been 
married.  By  his  first  wife  he  had  two  sons, 
Richard  and  David,  and  by  his  second,  one 
daughter,  Joan.^ 

Among  the  various  properties  which  came  into 
his  hands  was  the  manor  of  Burghley,  near  Stam- 
ford, which  he  bought  in  1526 — 1528  from  Mar- 
garet Chambers  and  Thomas  Williams  junior.^ 
From  this  estate  his  grandson  took  his  title, 
after  erecting  the  mansion  which  still  remains 
the  seat  of  the  senior  branch  of  the  family. 

By  his  will  David  left  to  his  wife  all  his  lands  for 
the  term  of  her  life  (she  died  in  1537)  and  after  her 
death  to  his  son  Richard  ;  among  other  things 
he  left  her  "  twenty  kye  and  a  bull,"  three  beds 
and  several  pieces  of  silver,  to  one  of  which,  "  a 
piece  gilt  with  the  wheat-sheaf  in  the  bottom,  the 
which  I  gave  her  before  our  marriage,"  interest 
attaches  since  the  wheatsheaf  is  still  the  crest  of 
the  Exeter  branch  of  the  Cecils.^ 


'  Joan  married  Edmund  Browne,  alderman  of  Stamford,  and  from 
this  marriage  was  descended  Richard  Browne  (1550—1633),  the  leader 
of  the  earliest  Separatists,  hence  called  Brownists,  the  forerunners  of 
the  present  Congregationalists.  When  imprisoned,  in  1581,  he  was 
released  by  the  influence  of  Lord  Burghley,  who  afterwards  presented 
him  to  the  living  of  Achurch,  Northamptonshire. 

2  Victoria  County  History,  Northamptonshire,  II,  524.  Earlier 
authorities  state  that  the  old  and  new  Manors  of  Burghley  were  bought 
by  Richard  Cecil,  and  a  memorandum  exists  in  Lord  Burghley's  hand- 
writing, in  which  he  gives  a  history  of  the  manors,  and  adds  "  Ista 
Margarita  vendidit  omnes  suas  terras  Ricardo  Cecill,  patri  meo  "  (Peck, 
Desiderata  Curiosa,  I.  80).  Martin  Hume,  in  The  Great  Lord  Burghley, 
and  following  him  Dr.  Jessopp,  state  that  Burghley  was  brought  into 
the  family  by  Richard's  wife,  Jane  Heckington,  but  this  is  a  mistake. 

^  The  Salisbury  branch  bears  a  different  crest,  the  origin  of  which  is 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY     ii 

He  left  to  his  eldest  son,  Richard,  two  complete 
feather  beds  and  his  best  gown  ;  to  his  second 
son,  David,  two  more  complete  feather  beds  and 
one  other  bed,  a  black  gown  lined  with  damask, 
a  doublet  of  satin  and  his  green  coat  ;  and  to  his 
daughter  Joan  he  left  £20  to  be  delivered  to  her 
mother  for  her  marriage  and  half  of  his  household 
goods  at  Dowsby.  The  residue  of  his  goods  he 
left  to  Richard,  against  Vv^hom  David  afterwards 
brought  an  unsuccessful  action  on  the  ground  that 
his  brother  had  fraudulently  deprived  him  of 
certain  lands  that  were  rightfully  his. 

Among  the  bequests  made  by  David  Cecil  to 
his  son  Richard  was  his  interest  in  the  Tabard 
Inn,  which  had  come  to  him  from  his  father-in- 
law,  John  Dicons.  This  suggests  an  explanation 
of  a  story  which  obtained  a  wide  circulation  in 
later  years,  to  the  effect  that  Lord  Burghley's 
grandfather  "  kept  the  best  inn  in  Stamford." 
Such  an  imputation,  which  first  appeared  in  a 
scurrilous  Latin  pamphlet  issued  in  the  Low 
Countries  under  the  title  of  Philopatris,^  touched 
Burghley  in  his  most  sensitive  part,  as  its  originators 
no  doubt  knew.  It  has  hitherto  been  regarded  as 
a  mere  slander,  but  it  now  appears  that  it  may 
have  had  some  foundation  in  fact.  As  Mr.  Barron 

told  in  a  letter  from  F.  Cordale,  July  21st,  1599-  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  he 
says,  "  has  found  a  new  pedigree,  by  his  grandmother,  from  theWalpoles, 
and  altered  his  crest  from  a  sheaf  of  wheat  between  two  lions,  to  two 
sheaves  of  arrows  crossed  and  covered  with  a  helmet,  to  distinguish  his 
retinue  from  his  brother's  "  [Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 

1  Collins'  Peerage,  II.  587.  See  also  letters  from  Dr.  Ch.  Parkins  to 
Sir  R.  Cecil  concerning  this  book,  November  22nd  and  26th,  1593 
(Hatfield  MSS.,  IV.  419,  423). 


12  THE   CECILS 

points  out,  David  was  probably  only  a  trustee 
of  the  Tabard  Inn,  yet  "  the  inn-keeper's  trade 
was  then  a  good  one,  and  it  is  at  least  possible 
that  he  mended  his  fortunes  by  following  for 
a  while  his  father-in-law's  calling."  ^  However 
this  may  be,  Fuller's  words  remain  true  :  "  No 
credit  is  to  be  given  to  their  pens  who  tax  him 
with  meanness  of  birth,  and  whose  malice  is  so 
general  against  all  goodness  that  it  had  been  a 
slander  if  this  worthy  man  had  not  been  slandered 
by  them." 

Richard  Cecil  entered  into  his  father's  inherit- 
ance and  still  further  increased  the  position  and 
the  property  of  the  family.  As  already  noticed, 
he  was  a  King's  page  in  15 17,  and  in  this  capacity 
he  attended  the  King  at  the  Field  of  the  Cloth 
of  Gold  in  1520.  He  was  afterwards  appointed 
Groom  of  the  Wardrobe,  "  a  place,"  says  the 
earliest  biographer  of  Lord  Burghley,^  "  though 
now  esteemed  but  mean,  yet  at  that  time  of  good 
account.  For  then  the  King  did  ordinarily  make 
himself  ready  in  the  robes,  where  Mr.  Cecil  being 
chief  and  a  wise  discreet  man,  was  in  great  favour 
with  the  King,  who  gave  him  both  countenance 
and  living."  He  profited  by  the  Royal  favour,  and 
was  appointed  in  turn  Bailiff  of  the  manors  and 
woods  of  Torpell,  Maxey  and  Bourne,  Constable 
of  Maxey  Castle,  Constable  of  Warwick  Castle, 
and  Steward  of  the  manors  of  Nassington,  Yarwell 


1  Northamptonshire  Families,  pp.  22,  23. 

2  His  Life  by  an  unknown  member  of  his  household  is  printed  in 
Peck's  Desiderata  Curiosa. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  FAMILY      13 

and  Upton,  all  in  Northamptonshire.  He  received 
the  reversion  of  his  father's  ofhce  of  Bailiff  of 
Wittlesea  Mere  and  Keeper  of  the  Swans  for  a 
term  of  thirty  years,  and  in  1539 — 1540  he  was 
Sheriff  of  Rutland. 

In  addition  to  these  appointments,  he  received 
very  numerous  grants  of  lands,  the  most  important 
of  which,  dated  July  9th,  1540,  included  the  site 
of  St.  Michael's  Priory,  near  Stamford,  the  church, 
and  229  acres  of  land  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's 
Stamford,  with  the  advowson,  the  convent  house 
in  Easton,  Northants,  and  the  manor  and  advow- 
son of  the  vicarage  of  Wothorpe.  He  also  purchased 
various  estates  in  Rutland,  as  well  as  in  Kent  and 
Lincolnshire.^ 

Henry  VIII.  showed  Richard  Cecil  a  last  mark 
of  favour  by  leaving  him  £100  in  his  will,  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  he  profited  by  this  generosity, 
as  the  legacy  was  not  payable  until  the  King's 
debts  had  been  discharged.  He  continued  to  act 
as  Groom  of  the  Wardrobe  to  Edward  VI.,  and  died 
at  his  house  in  Cannon  Row  in  March,  1553, 
being  buried  at  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster.  He 
married  Jane,  daughter  and  heir  of  William 
Heckington,  of  Lincolnshire,  by  whom  he  had  one 
son,  William,  afterwards  Lord  Burghley,  and  three 
daughters  :  Anne  (or  Agnes) ,  who  married  Thomas 
White  of  Tuxford,  Notts  :  Margaret,  who  married 
Roger  Cave,  and  afterwards  Ambrose  Smith  :  and 
Elizabeth,   who   married   Robert   Wingfield,   and 

1  See    Blore,    History    of   Rutland,    and    Barron,    Northamptonshire 
Families. 


14  THE   CECILS 

afterwards  Hugh  Allington.  William  was  also 
twice  married,  so  that  Richard's  four  children 
between  them  underwent  matrimony  seven  times. 
But  second  marriages  were  much  more  common 
then  than  now. 


CHAPTER   II 

WILLIAM   CECIL,    LORD    BURGHLEY 

David  and  Richard  Cecil  were  successful  men 
of  the  world,  and  to  them  the  beginnings  of  the 
material  prosperity  of  the  family  are  due.  But 
though  they  planted  the  stock  firmly  on  the  road 
to  greatness,  it  was  William,  Lord  Burghley,  who 
completed  what  they  had  begun,  and  made  the 
name  of  Cecil  famous  throughout  the  world.  With 
little  to  help  him  but  his  own  great  abilities,  he 
rose  to  be  Secretary  of  State  at  the  age  of  thirty, 
and  from  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  till  his  death — 
a  period  of  forty  years — he  presided  over  the 
affairs  of  the  nation  with  an  authority  second 
only  to  the  Queen,  guiding  the  country  successfully 
through  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  a  supremely 
critical  period,  and  so  increasing  her  prestige  that 
at  his  death  England  had  finally  taken  her  place 
among  the  great  European  powers. 

William  Cecil  was  born  on  September  13th, 
1520,  at  Bourne  in  Lincolnshire,  probably  at  the 
house  of  his  mother's  parents.  He  gave  evidence 
of  more  than  ordinary  ability  in  his  earliest  years, 
"  being,"  we  are  told,^  "  in  his  infancy  so  pregnant 
in  wit,  and  so  desirous  and  apt  to  learn,  as  in 

1  See  the  Life,  hy  a  gentleman  of  his  household,  already  referred  to 
(Peck,  Desiderata  Curiosa,  p.  4).  Other  details  of  his  youth  and 
character  are  drawn  from  the  same  source. 


i6  THE   CECILS 

expectation  foretold  his  great  future  fortune." 
He  was  educated  at  the  Grammar  School  at 
Grantham,  and  afterwards  at  Stamford,  and  in 
May,  1535,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  entered  as  a 
student  at  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

Here  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  "  diligence 
and  towardness,"  hiring  the  bell-ringer  to  call  him 
at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  applying  him- 
self so  closely  to  his  studies  that  he  seriously 
injured  his  health  ("  which  was  thought  one  of 
the  original  causes  of  his  gout  ").  The  Master  of 
the  College,  Dr.  Medcalf,  a  man  who,  though  no 
scholar  himself,  knew  how  to  breed  scholars  and 
had  made  St.  John's  the  most  famous  place  of 
education  in  England,  showed  special  favour  to 
young  Cecil,  and  "  would  often  give  him  money 
to  encourage  him."  And  he  proved  so  "  toward, 
studious  and  rarely  capable  "  that  he  read  the 
sophistry  lecture  at  the  age  of  sixteen  and  after- 
wards read  the  Greek  lecture,  "  as  a  gentleman 
for  his  exercise  upon  pleasure,  without  pension, 
before  he  was  nineteen  years  old;  which  he  per- 
formed so  learnedly  as  was  beyond  expectation 
of  a  student  of  his  time  or  one  of  his  years  or  birth. 
For  at  that  time  it  was  a  rare  thing  to  have  any 
perfection  in  the  Greek  tongue." 

Among  Cecil's  acquaintances  at  Cambridge  were 
Matthew  Parker,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, Nicholas  Bacon,  father  of  Francis  and 
afterwards  Lord  Keeper,  Roger  Ascham  and 
John  Cheke,  who  subsequently  became  Regius 
Professor   of    Greek   and   tutor   to   Edward   VL 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  17 

With  the  latter  he  was  especially  intimate,  though 
Cheke  was  a  few  years  his  senior  and  was  already 
a  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  with  a  great  repu- 
tation as  a  Greek  scholar.  His  father,  Peter 
Cheke,  had  been  esquire-bedell  of  the  University, 
but  his  widow  was  left  in  poor  circumstances  and 
supported  herself  and  her  children  by  keeping  a 
wine-shop  in  the  town.  Here  it  was  that  Cecil 
met  and  fell  in  love  with  Mary  Cheke,  the  sister  of 
his  friend.  Whether  his  father  found  out  what' 
was  going  on  we  cannot  tell,  but  in  May,  1541, 
after  six  years'  residence,  Cecil  left  the  University 
without  taking  a  degree  and  entered  Gray's  Inn. 
It  is  a  reasonable  inference  that  his  father,  who  no 
doubt  had  more  ambitious  designs  for  his  son, 
removed  him  from  Cambridge  prematurely  on 
account  of  this  unbecoming  attachment.  If  so 
his  efforts  were  in  vain  ;  for  in  August,  what  is,  / 
so  far  as  we  know,  the  only  romantic  episode  in 
the  life  of  William  Cecil,  culminated  in  his  marriage 
with  Mary  Cheke.  We  learn  incidentally  from  a 
letter  written  many  years  later,  that  on  this 
occasion  he  incurred  his  father's  severe  displeasure.^ 
As  to  his  studies  at  Gray's  Inn,  little  is  known. 
In  view  of  his  amazing  industry  throughout  his 
life,  it  is  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  he  was  idle. 
Yet  it  is  strange  that  in  after  years  he  is  said  to 
have  specially  commended  the  study  of  the  com- 
mon law  above  all  other  learning,  saying  that  "  if 
he  should  begin  again,  he  would  follow  that 
study  "  ;  and  his  ignorance  of  law  is  confirmed  by 

1  Roger  Alford  to  Cecil,  April  9th,  1553  {Hatfield  MSS.,  I.  435). 

c.  c 


i8  THE   CECILS 

a  letter  written  to  him  by  Edward  Griffin,  the 
Queen's  Attorney,  in  1557,  in  which  he  says  he  is 
sorry  Cecil  was  never  of  Gray's  Inn,  "  nor  can 
skill  of  no  law."  Probably  he  never  intended  to 
take  up  the  law  as  a  profession,  and  if  he  applied 
himself  seriously  to  the  subject  at  all,  his  studies 
were  broken  off  by  his  promotion  at  Court.  He 
is  said  to  have  laid  the  foundation  at  this  time  of 
his  knowledge  of  genealogy  and  heraldry,  of  which 
mention  has  already  been  made.  In  these  matters 
he  was  afterwards  recognised  as  an  expert,  being 
specially  interested  in  the  pedigrees  of  Royal  houses 
and  great  families  in  England  and  abroad — a 
taste  he  gratified  by  decorating  the  walls  of 
Theobalds  with  genealogical  trees.  Such  import- 
ance did  he  attach  to  this  study,  that  when  his  son 
was  in  Paris,  in  1561,  he  was  anxious  that  he 
should  receive  instruction  from  a  herald,  so  as  to 
"  understand  the  principal  families  and  their 
alliances  in  France."  ^ 

Whatever  his  intellectual  occupations  may  have 
been  while  at  Gray's  Inn,  his  "  witty  mirth  and 
merry  temper "  made  him  popular  among  his 
fellows,  and  he  is  said  to  have  been  very  fond 
of  practical  jokes  and  other  merry  jests.  An 
example  is  given  by  his  domestic  biographer  : — 

"  Among  the  rest  I  heard  him  tell  this  merriment  of 
himself.  That  a  mad  companion  enticed  him  to  play, 
where  in  short  time  he  lost  all  his  money,  bedding,  and 
books  to  his  companion  ;  having  never  used  play  before. 
And  being  among  his  other  company,  told  how  such  a  one 

1  Burgon,  Life  of  Sir  T.  Gresham,  I.  229. 


WILLIAM,   LORD    BURGHLEY  19 

had  misled  him  ;  saying  he  would  presently  have  a  device 
to  be  even  with  him.  And  he  was  as  good  as  his  word  ; 
with  a  long  '  tronke  '  made  a  hole  in  the  wall,  near  his 
playfellow's  bed's-head,  and  in  a  fearful  voice,  spake  thus, 
through  the  tronke.  '  O  mortal  man,  repent  !  repent  of 
thy  horrible  time,  play,  cousenage,  and  such  lewdness,  or 
else  thou  art  damned,  and  canst  not  be  saved  !  '  Which 
at  midnight,  all  alone,  so  amazed  him,  as  drove  him  into 
a  sweat  for  fear.  Most  penitent  and  heavy,  the  next  day, 
in  presence  of  the  youths,  he  told,  with  trembling,  what  a 
fearful  voice  spake  to  him  at  midnight,  vowing  never 
to  play  again  :  and  calling  for  Mr.  Cecil,  asked  him  for 
forgiveness  on  his  knees  ;  and  restored  all  his  money, 
bedding  and  books.  So  two  gamesters  were  both 
reclaimed  with  this  merry  device,  and  never  played 
more." 

The  same  authority  tells  us  how  Cecil  attracted 
the  notice  of  Henry  VIII.  Going  down  to  Court 
one  day  to  see  his  father,  he  met  two  priests, 
chaplains  to  Conn  O'Neill,  the  Irish  chieftain. 
With  them  he  fell  into  a  disputation  (in  Latin), 
"'  wherein  he  showed  so  great  learning  and  wit,  as 
he  proved  the  poor  priests  to  have  neither  ;  who 
were  so  put  down,  as  they  had  not  a  word  to 
say,"  but  retired  discomfited.  The  King,  hearing 
of  this  encounter,  called  for  Cecil,  and  "  after  a 
long  talk  with  him,  much  delighted  with  his 
answers,  willed  his  father  to  find  out  a  suit  for 
him.  Whereupon  he  became  suitor  for  a  reversion 
of  the  Custos  Brevium  office  in  the  common  pleas, 
which  the  King  willingly  granted."  Later  writers 
state  that  the  subject  of  the  argument  was  the 
supremacy  of  the  Pope  ;  but  of  this  there  is  no 
evidence.     This  incident  must  belong  to  the  year 

c  2 


20  THE   CECILS 

1542,  when  O'Neill  made  submission  to  the  King 
and  was  created  Earl  of  Tyrone. 

In  May  of  the  same  year,  a  son,  Thomas,  was 
bom  to  Cecil  at  Cambridge  and  less  than  a  year 
later  his  wife  died  (February  22nd,  1543).  He 
did  not  long  remain  a  widower,  and  his  father  can 
have  found  no  fault  with  his  second  choice.  In 
December,  1545,  he  married  the  eldest  daughter 
of  Sir  Anthony  Cooke,  of  Gidea  Hall,  Essex,  one 
of  the  leading  exponents  of  the  new  learning. 
Mildred  Cooke,  then  aged  twenty,  was  one  of 
four  sisters,  all  of  whom  were  "  brought  up  in 
learning  of  Greek  and  Latin  above  their  sex  "  ^ 
and  were  married  to  men  of  note.  One  of  them, 
Anne,  became  the  wife  of  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  and 
was  the  mother  of  Francis  Bacon  ;  while  another, 
Elizabeth,  married  Sir  Thomas  Hoby,  Ambassador 
in  France,  and  afterwards  John,  Lord  Russell. 
Of  the  fourth,  who  married  Sir  Henry  Killigrew, 
little  is  known.  The  connection  must  have  been 
socially  of  considerable  value  to  Cecil.  Mildred 
herself,  "  a  wise  and  vertuous  gentlewoman,"  is 
thus  commemorated  by  a  contemporary  poet  : — 

"  Cooke  is  comely,  and  thereto 
In  books  sets  all  her  care  ; 
In  learning  with  the  Roman  dames 
Of  right  she  may  compare."  ^ 

Ascham,  in  a  letter  to  Sturmius  (August,  1550), 
couples  her  with  Lady  Jane  Grey,  as  the  two  most 

1  Camden's  Annals. 

-  Richard  Edwardes' s  Praze  of  eight  ladyes  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Court. 
Quoted  by  Naunton,  Fragmenta  Regalia,  ed.  1824,  p.  51. 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY  21 

learned  ladies  in  England,  saying  that  she  "  under- 
stands and  speaks  Greek  like  English,^  so  that 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  she  is  most  happy  in 
the  possession  of  this  surpassing  degree  of  know- 
ledge, or  in  having  for  her  preceptor  and  father, 
Sir  Anthony  Cooke,  whose  singular  erudition 
caused  him  to  be  joined  with  John  Cheke  in  the 
office  of  tutor  to  the  King  ;  or  finally  in  having 
become  the  wife  of  William  Cecil,  lately  appointed 
Secretary  of  State  :  a  young  man  indeed  but 
mature  in  wisdom,  and  so  deeply  skilled,  both  in 
letters  and  affairs,  and  endued  with  such  modera- 
tion in  the  exercise  of  public  offices,  that  to  him 
would  be  awarded  by  the  consenting  voice  of 
Englishmen  the  four-fold  praise  attributed  to 
Pericles  by  his  rival  Thucydides  :  '  To  know  all 
that  is  fitting,  to  be  able  to  apply  what  he  knows, 
to  be  a  lover  of  his  country,  and  superior  to 
money.'  " 

On  the  death  of  Henry  VII I. ,  in  1547,  Cecil 
was  in  a  very  advantageous  position.  He  was 
connected  by  marriage  v/ith  John  Cheke  and 
Sir  Anthony  Cooke,  the  young  King's  tutors,  and 
had  already  gained  the  good  graces  of  the  Earl  of 
Hertford,  who  now  became  the  Protector  Somerset.! 
He  was  thus  identified  with  the  rising  party  at 
Court,  and  about  this  time,  the  office  of  Custos 
rotulorum  brevium,  of  which  he  held  the  reversion, 
fell  in,  giving  him,  according  to  his  own  estimate, 
an  income  of  about  £240  a  year. 

•  She  translated  a  treatise  of  St.  Chrysostom  into  English. 


22  THE   CECILS 

He  was  now  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  andl 
must  have  already  shown  his  abiHties,  for  Somerset  1 
in  the  same  year  appointed  him  his  "  Master  of 
Requests."  This  was  an  office,  probably  of  a 
secretarial  nature,  connected  with  the  Court  of 
Requests  set  up  by  the  Protector  in  Somerset 
House  "  to  hear  poor  men's  petitions  and  suits." 
Here  he  had  his  first  experience  of  such  complaints 
and  applications,  which,  throughout  the  rest  of 
his  life,  he  received  in  greater  numbers,  perhaps, 
than  have  ever  fallen  to  the  share  of  any  one  man, 
before  or  since. 

He  accompanied  Somerset  in  his  expedition  to  . 
Scotland,  in  the  capacity  of  one  of  the  "  judges  of  / 
the  Marshalsea,"  i.e.,  in  the  courts-martial,^  the 
other  judge  being  William  Patten,  the  chronicler 
of  the  campaign.  At  the  battle  of  Pinkie,  where 
the  Scots  were  disastrously  routed  (September, 
1547),  ^^^  had  a  narrow  escape,  being  "  miracu- 
lously saved  by  one  that,  putting  forth  his  arm  to 
thrust  Mr.  Cecil  out  of  the  level  of  the  cannon, 
had  his  arm  stricken  off."  '"  This  was  his  first  and 
only  experience  of  fighting,  and  indeed  he  was  so 
essentially  a  man  of  peaceful  and  sedentary  habits, 
caring  nothing  for  any  form  of  sport  or  athletic 
exercise,  that  he  must  have  felt  out  of  place  in  a 
field  of  battle. 

He  was  more  at  home  in  Parliament,  for  which] 
he  was  elected  to  sit  for  the  borough  of  Stamford) 
in  November,  1547.     In  the  following  year,  Somer- 

^  See  EncyclopcBdia  Britannica,  nth  ed.,  art.  "  Burghley." 
a  Peck. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  23 

set  made  him  his  private  secretary,  a  position, 
however,   which  he  was  not   to  hold   for  many 
months.     Somerset's    well-meaning    but    unprac- 
tical and  impolitic  measures  had  gradually  roused 
resentment  against  him  in  all  classes,  except  the 
peasantry,   who   had  no   influence  ;     and  in   the 
autumn  of  1549  niatters  came  to  a  crisis.     The 
.Earl    of    Warwick,    fresh    from    suppressing    the 
peasants'  rising  in  Norfolk,  gathered  round  him 
ithe  malcontents  in  the  Council,  and  the  Protector's 
(party  quickly  dwindled  away.     On  October  loth, 
'Somerset  was  arrested,  and  a  few  days  later  he  was 
,  committed    to    the    Tower.     Cecil    retained    his 
1  liberty  for  the  time,  possibly  owing  to  Warwick's 
I  friendship  with  his  father,^  but  in  November  he 
too  was  in  the  Tower,  where  he  remained  until  the 
end  of  January.     He  then  received  his  freedom, 
but  was  bound  under  a  penalty  of  a  thousand 
marks  to  appear  before  the  Council  when  called 
upon. 

Somerset  himself  was  set  free  soon  afterwards, 

'and  was  re-admitted  to  the  Privy  Council.     In  the 

summer  the  two  factions  were  allied  together  by 

the  marriage  of  Somerset's  daughter.  Lady  Anne 

Seymour,  with  Warwick's  eldest  son.  Lord  Lisle  ; 

but  one  can  hardly  believe  that  anyone  expected 

a  permanent  alliance  between  men  of  such  entirely 

different  aims  and  ideals.     Warwick  was,  in  fact, 

-already  scheming  to  get  rid  of  his  rival,  and  in 

'October,  1551,  Somerset  was  again  arrested  on  a 

1  Hume,  The  Great  Lord  Burghley,  p.  21.     See  S.  P.  Dom.,  Northum- 
berland to  Cecil,  May  31st,  1552. 


24  THE   CECILS 

<  fabricated  charge  of  treason  and  felony.  His  trial 
and  condemnation  were  followed  by  his  execution 
in  January,  1552. 

Meanwhile  Cecil  seems  to  have  lost  no  time  in 

•  ingratiating  himself  with  Warwick,  and  on 
September,  5th,  1550,  he  was  appointed  one  of 
the  two  Secretaries  of  State.  A  year  later, 
October  nth,  155 1,  he  was  knighted  and  sworn 
of  the  Privy  Council,  his  brother-in-law,  John 
Cheke,  receiving  the  honour  of  knighthood  at  the 
same  time. 

Cecil's  action  at  this  critical  time  has  been  much 
discussed.  The  facts  are  clear.  The  secretary 
and  right-hand  man  of  the  Protector,  the  most 
intimate  member  of  his  circle,  accepted  without 
demur,  honours  and  office  from  the  man  who  had 
supplanted  him — a  man  of  whose  sinister  character 
and  ambitions  he  cannot  have  been  ignorant. 
Moreover,  his  behaviour  to  the  statesman  who  had 
befriended  and  advanced  him  appears  to  have  been 
callous  in  the  extreme.  Somerset,  when  he  first 
became  aware  of  the  scheme  against  him,  sent  for 
Cecil  "  to  tell  him  he  suspected  some  ill  "  ;  where- 
upon Cecil  is  said  to  have  replied  "  that  if  he  were 
not  guilty,  he  might  be  of  good  courage  ;  if  he 
were,  he  had  nothing  to  say  but  to  lament  him."^ 
This  incident  is  said  to  have  occurred  on 
October   14th,   three   days  after  Cecil  had  been 

■  knighted    and    Warwick    had    become    Duke    of 
Northumberland.     Two  days  later  Somerset  was' 

1  King  Edward  VI.'s  Journal.     See  Ty tier's  History  of  Edward  VI. 
and  Mary,  II.  4. 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY  25 

in  the  Tower,  and  though  Cecil  took  no  pubHc 
part  in  his  trial,  a  document  in  his  handwriting 
exists,  containing  a  list  of  questions  to  be  put  to 
the  prisoner,  all  of  a  nature  to  compromise  him.^ 

Such  conduct  is  not  that  of  a  hero.  But  Cecil 
was  not  cast  in  a  heroic  mould.  He  played  for 
safety  all  his  life,  and  was  quite  incapable  of 
sacrificing  himself  to  satisfy  the  demands  of 
gratitude  or  friendship,  especially  as  no  action  on 
his  part  could  possibly  have  benefited  his  former 
patron. 

In  such  a  matter,  as  in  all  others  affecting  the 
relations  between  man  and  man,  the  standard  of 
conduct  is  regulated  by  customs  and  conventions 
which  vary  from  age  to  age ;  and  a  course  of 
action  which  would  meet  with  severe  reprobation 
at  the  present  day  was  then  considered  highly 
meritorious.  Sir  Thomas  Morysine,  Ambassador 
to  the  Emperor,  no  doubt  echoed  the  general 
opinion  when  he  wrote  to  congratulate  Cecil  on 
escaping  his  patron's  fate,  and  added,  "  For  it 
were  a  way  to  make  an  end  of  amity,  if,  when 
men  fall,  their  friends  should  forthwith  therefore 
be  troubled."  -  That  Sir  Wilham's  friends  thought 
him  fortunate,  rather  than  reprehensible,  is  shown 
by  a  letter  from  Sir  W.  Pickering,  who  wrote  from 
Paris  (October  27th,  155 1)  expressing  his  pleasure 
to  hear  "  the  form  of  your  good  fortune  to  be  found 
undefiled  with  the  folly  of  this  unfortunate  Duke."  ^ 

1  Cotton  MSS.,  Titus  B.  ii.     Quoted  by  Hume,  p.  29. 

2  Cal.  S.  P.  Foreign,  November  iSth,  155 1. 
8  Tytler,  II.  67. 


26  THE   CECILS 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  impossible  to  deny  that 
Cecil  was  ruled  by  the  dictates  of  his  own  ambition, 
and  his  cold  and  calculating  nature  led  him  into  a 
course  of  action  from  which  a  man  of  more  generous 
disposition  would  have  shrunk.  Worldly  wisdom 
was  his  guide,  as  the  Precepts  which  he  addressed 
to  his  son  Sir  Robert  Cecil  sufficiently  show.  One 
of  these  is  concerned  with  the  attitude  to  be 
adopted  towards  the  great,  and  may  be  quoted 
here.  "  Be  sure  to  keep  some  great  man  thy 
friend,"  he  says,  "  but  trouble  him  not  for  trifles, 
compliment  him  often  with  many  and  small  gifts, 
and  if  thou  hast  cause  to  bestow  any  great  gratuity, 
let  it  be  something  which  may  be  daily  in  sight, 
otherwise,  in  this  ambitious  age,  thou  shalt  remain 
like  a  hop  without  a  pole,  live  in  obscurity,  and  be 
made  a  football  for  every  insulting  companion  to 
spurn  at." 

The  hand  of  Cecil  is  to  be  seen  in  all  the  measures 
of  this  reign.  While  ministers  were  plotting  and 
scheming,  the  Secretary  was  indefatigable  in 
business,  giving  his  whole  time  and  attention  to 
the  affairs  of  state.  "  Of  all  men  of  genius," 
it  has  been  said,  "  he  was  the  most  of  a  drudge  ; 
of  all  men  of  business,  the  most  of  a  genius."  ^ 

Financial  reform,  the  liquidation  of  the  King's 
debt,  and  the  improvement  of  commerce,  were  all 
in  turn  the  objects  of  his  care.  He  also  took  an 
active  part  in  the  measures  for  the  settlement  of 
the  Church,  and  Cranmer,  before  submitting  the 
new    "  Forty-two    Articles "    to    Parliament   and 

^  Guthrie,  History  of  England,  III.  69. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  27 

Convocation,  referred  them  absolutely  to  Cecil  and 
Cheke,  "  the  two  great  patrons  of  the  Reformation 
at  Court."  ^ 

He  must  have  been  admitted  into  the  intimate 
confidence  of  the  young  King,  as  is  shown  by  the 
story  that  the  Princess  Mary,  on  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  her  brother  enjoining  her  conformity, 
remarked  "  Ah  !  good  Master  Cecil  took  much 
pains  here." 

On  April  12th,  1553,  he  was  appointed  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  and  notes  in  his 
Diary,  "  Paid  the  embroiderers  for  xxxvj  schut- 
chyns  for  my  servants'  coats  at  ij  s.  each,  iii  1. 
xii  s,"  "  an  entry  which  shows  us  that  already  he 
kept  a  large  establishment. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year  the  state  of  the  King's 
health  hastened  on  Northumberland's  mad  plan 
i  for  securing  the  succession  to  his  own  family.  On 
May  2ist  he  married  his  son,  Lord  Guilford  Dudley, 
to  the  Lady  Jane  Grey,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk  and  grand-daughter  of  Henry  VIII.'s 
youngest  sister  Mary,  Oueen-Dowager  of  France. 
He  then  persuaded  the  King  to  set  aside  his  father's 
will,  under  which  the  succession  was  to  descend 
to  Mary  and  Elizabeth,  and  to  draw  up  a  new  deed 
of  settlement,  devising  the  Crown  to  Lady  Jane 
Grey.  These  manoeuvres  placed  Cecil  in  a  difficult  / 
and  dangerous  position  and  he  did  all  he  could  to! 
avoid  personal  responsibility  in  the  matter. 

1  Strype. 

2  Burghley  invariably  used  Roman  numerals  for  his  accounts  and 
reckonings. 


28  THE   CECILS 

His  health  was  never  very  good  and  he  had  had 
a  serious  illness  at  Wimbledon  two  years  before. 
He  was  now  again  kept  to  his  house  by  a  grave 
indisposition,  which  attacked  him  at  so  opportune 
a  moment  that  it  is  generally  supposed  to  have  had 
a  diplomatic  origin.  There  is  no  doubt,  however, 
that  he  was  over-worked,  and  his  friend  Dr.  Wotton 
wrote  from  Paris  to  urge  him  to  moderate  his 
labours,  "  your  complexion  being  not  strong 
enough  to  continue  as  you  began."  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  Lord  Audley  sent  him  the 
following  simple  recipes.^ 

A  good  medicine  for  weakness  or  consumption. 

"  Take  a  sow-pig  of  nine  days  old,  and  flea  him  and 
quarter  him,  and  put  him  in  a  stillatory  with  a  handful  of 
spearmint,  a  handful  of  red  fennel,  a  handful  of  liverwort, 
and  half  a  handful  of  red  nepe  [turnip],  a  handful  of 
celery,  nine  dates  clean  picked  and  pared,  a  handful  of 
great  raisins,  and  pick  out  the  stones,  and  a  quarter  of  an 
ounce  of  mace  and  two  sticks  of  good  cinnamon  bruised  in 
a  mortar  :  and  distil  it  together,  with  a  fair  fire  ;  and  put 
it  in  a  glass,  and  set  it  in  the  sun  nine  days  ;  and  drink 
a  spoonful  of  it  at   once  when  you  list." 

A  compost. 
"  Item.  Take  a  porpin,  otherwise  called  an  English 
hedgehog,  and  quarter  him  in  pieces,  and  put  the  said 
beast  in  a  still  with  these  ingredients  :  item,  a  quart  of 
red  wine,  a  pint  of  rose-water,  a  quart  of  sugar,  cinnamon 
and  great  raisins,  one  date,  twelve  nepe." 

Whether  these  remedies  were  efficacious  we  do  not 
learn.  But  by  June  14th  Sir  Wilham  was  well  enough 

1  Tytler,  II.  169,  170. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  29 

to  be  at  Court,  and  on  that  day  the  "devise" 
of  the  Crown  was  signed  by  all  the  members 
of  the  Privy  Council,  with  the  exception  of 
Sir  John  Hales.  In  this  matter  again  Cecil  took 
the  safe  course.  That  he  protested  against  the 
whole  proceeding  is  certain.  His  servant  Roger 
Alford  states  that  from  the  first  moment  it  was 
in  contemplation  he  expressed  his  aversion  to  it 
and  declared  that  "  whatever  became  of  it  he 
would  never  partake  of  that  devise."  He  must 
have  realised  that  such  a  document,  extorted  from 
a  minor  on  his  deathbed,  could  not  override  the 
will  of  Henry  VIII. ,  which  had  received  parlia- 
mentary sanction  ;  and  he  no  doubt  foresaw  that 
Northumberland's  ambition  would  overreach  itself 
and  involve  him  and  his  abettors  in  ruin. 
[  Nevertheless  the  violence  of  Northumberland  and 
ithe  command  of  the  King  impelled  him  to  afhx  his 
signature,  though  he  afterwards  protested  that  he 
signed  merely  as  a  witness — a  plea  that  avails 
him  nothing  in  view  of  the  fact  that  he  also 
signed  the  promise  by  which  the  Council  bound 
themselves  "  by  our  oaths  and  honour  to  observe, 
fully  perform  and  keep  all  and  every  article  "  of 
the  devise. 

At  any  rate,  he  was  so  much  alive  to  his  danger 
that  he  went  about  armed,  concealed  his  valuables, 
and  made  such  a  disposition  of  his  property  as  to 
secure  it  to  his  son  in  the  event  of  his  being 
imprisoned  or  forced  to  leave  the  kingdom.  After 
the  accession  of  Mary,  he  drew  up  a  paper,  in 
which  he  exculpates  himself  by  an  account  of  his 


30  THE   CECILS 

actions  under  twenty-one  heads.  This  document 
serves  to  show  how  he  tried  to  throw  the  responsi- 
bihty  onto  others,  and  while  ostensibly  acting  on 
behalf  of  Northumberland,  took  steps  to  make 
himself  as  safe  as  possible,  whatever  might 
happen.  It  is  interesting  to  read  that,  "  when  the 
conspiracy  was  first  opened  to  me,  I  did  fully  set 
me  to  flee  the  realm,  and  was  dissuaded  by 
Mr.  Cheke,  who  willed  me  for  my  satisfaction  to 
read  a  dialogue  of  Plato,  where  Socrates,  being  in 
prison,  was  offered  to  escape  and  flee,  and  yet  he 
would  not.  I  read  the  dialogue,  whose  reasons 
did  indeed  stay  me."  ^ 

LThe  King  died  on  July  6th,  and  Cecil  notes  in 
is  Diary  "  Lihertatem  adeptus  sum  morte  regis  et 
ex  miser 0  aulico  f actus  liber  et  mei  juris."  He  was 
now  free  from  the  domination  of  Northumberland, 
whose  policy  and  methods  he  thoroughly  disliked, 
and  whose  ruin  was  soon  seen  to  be  certain.  No 
I  sooner  had  the  Duke  set  out  to  seize  the  person 
of  Mary  than  Cecil  began  to  intrigue  actively 
against  him.  He  sent  his  sister-in-law,  Lady 
Bacon,  to  meet  the  Queen,  and  heard  from  her 
that  "  the  Queen  thought  well  of  her  brother  Cecil 
and  said  he  was  a  very  honest  man."  He  himself 
met  Mary  at  Newhall  in  Essex,  and  was  graciously 
received.  A  general  pardon  was  granted  him,  but 
he  was  not  re-instated  in  his  office  of  Secretary, 
though  he  is  said  to  have  been  offered  the  post  if 
he  would  change  his  religion,  and  to  have  refused. 

1  Lansdowne  MSS.,  102,  f.  2.     The  document  is  printed  in  full  in. 
Tytler,  II.  192 — 195,  and  in  Hume. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  31 

The  story  is  improbable,  for  he,  in  common  with 
many  others— the  Princess  Ehzabeth  among  them 
— conformed  to  the  Cathohc  ritual  during  this 
reign,  going  to  confession,  attending  mass,  and 
"  demeaning  himself  as  a  good  Catholic,"  as 
enjoined  by  the  Government. 

At  this  time  he  probably  held  no  strong  personal 
views  on  the  subject  of  religion,  though  he  was  a 
Protestant  by  inclination.  But  he  believed  that 
the  Sovereign  was  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church, 
and  that  on  matters  of  faith  her  word  was  law  ; 
and  he  maintained  that  "  that  state  could  never  be 
in  safety  where  there  was  a  toleration  of  two 
religions.^  For  there  is  no  enmity  so  great  as  that 
for  religion  ;  and  therefore  they  that  differ  in  the 
service  of  their  God  can  never  agree  in  the  service 
of  their  country."  Throughout  his  life  he  insisted 
upon  obedience  to  the  law,  and  the  maintenance 
of  uniformity  in  worship.  No  doubt  he  felt  there- 
fore that  he  would  best  serve  the  country  and  at 
the  same  time  benefit  himself  by  due  submission  ; 
and  thus  while  his  brother-in-law  Sir  John  Cheke, 
his  father-in-law  Sir  Anthony  Cooke,  his  friend  the 
Duchess  of  Suffolk,  and  many  others  suffered  exile 
for  their  faith,  Cecil,  worldly-wise  as  usual,  stayed 
at  home  and  prospered. 

.  Of  his  public  life  during  Mary's  reign  we  have 
I  little  record.  He  was  one  of  the  three  commis- 
\sioners  sent  to   Brussels  in  November,  1554,  to 

1  So,  240  years  later,  George  III.  wrote  to  Pitt,  "  No  country  can  be 
governed  where  there  is  more  than  one  established  religion  "  (Rose, 
Pitt  and  the  Great  War,  p.  359). 


32  THE   CECILS 

meet  Cardinal  Pole,  the  Papal  Legate,  who  was  on 
his  way  to  London  to  grant  absolution  to  the 
Kingdom  ;  and  in  the  following  year  he  attended 
the  Cardinal  to  Calais  on  his  abortive  embassy  to 
negotiate  peace  between  France  and  the  Emperor. 
He  was  chosen  to  represent  the  county  of  Lincoln 
in  the  Parliament  of  1555,  and  was  in  some 
danger  owing  to  his  outspoken  opposition  to  the 
Government  on  the  question  of  confiscating  the 
estates  of  Protestant  exiles.  "  I  spoke  my  mind 
freely,"  he  says  in  his  Diary,  "  whereby  I  incurred 
displeasure  ;  but  it  is  better  to  serve  God  than 
man." 

Probably,  however,  he  kept  himself  as  much  as 
possible  in  the  background  during  this  reign, 
though  Lloyd  says  that  "  when  he  was  out  of 
place  he  was  not  out  of  service  in  Queen  Mary's 
days  ;  his  abilities  being  as  necessary  in  those 
times  as  his  inclination  ;  and  that  Queen's  Council 
being  as  ready  to  advance  him  at  last,  as  they  were 
to  ttse  him  all  her  reign."  ^ 

Meanwhile  he  maintained  communication  with 
the  Princess  Ehzabeth,  who  had  known  and 
trusted  him  for  several  years.  So  early  as  Sep- 
tember, 1549,  ^^^  "  cofferer,"  Thomas  Parry, 
writes  to  him  in  a  way  which  shows  that  Elizabeth 
thought  him  the  person  in  highest  authority  about 
the  Protector,  and  believed  in  his  integrity.^  In 
April,  1553,  she  asked  for  his  advice  in  connection 
with  the  "  lewd  demeanour  "  of  one  Mr.  Keye,  the 

1  State  Worthies,  ed.  1766.  I.  358. 
-  Tytler,  I.  201. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  33 

paymaster  of  the  House  of  Ewelme,  of  which 
institution  she  was  foundress,  and  proposed  to 
appoint  him,  with  others,  as  a  commission  to 
examine  into  the  matter,  being  "  determined  to 
remove  the  violence  and  oppression  "  and  to  have 
the  poor  thoroughly  considered.  At  the  same  time 
she  sent  him  the  patent  of  the  stewardship  of  the 
manor  of  Colly- Weston,  signed  and  sealed/  Yet 
these  confidential  relations  were  conducted  with 
so  much  caution  and  discretion  on  Cecil's  part  that, 
as  Dr.  Jessopp  has  observed,  "  all  the  researches 
of  three  centuries  have  failed  to  discover,  in  all  the 
enormous  mass  of  documents  that  have  come  to 
light  and  bearing  upon  this  period,  a  single  letter 
or  instrument  which  indicates  that  any  intrigues 
were  going  on  between  Elizabeth  and  Cecil  during 
the  later  years  of  Mary's  reign."  ^ 

During  this  period  of  his  life  he  was  living  at 
Wimbledon,  though  we  know  nothing  of  the  house 
he  lived  in.  He  was  already  a  landowner  on  a 
large  scale.  In  November,  155 1 — between  the 
arrest  of  Somerset  and  his  trial — he  received  an 
enormous  grant  of  estates  in  Lincolnshire  and 
Rutland  ;  and  his  landed  property  was  consider- 
ably increased  on  the  death  of  his  father  in  March, 
1553-  Soon  afterwards  he  began  the  first  enlarge- 
ment of  Burghley  House,  for  though  that  estate 
and  mansion  had  been  left  to  his  mother,  and 
during  her  life  he  always  regarded  it  as  hers,  he 
spent  immense  sums  on  it. 

»  Cal.  of  Hatfield  MSS.,  I.  434. 

"^  William  Cecil,  Lord  Burghley,  p.  9. 

C.  D 


34  THE   CECILS 

His  building  operations  were  extensive,  and 
later  in  life  he  incurred  a  good  deal  of  censure  for 
his  extravagance.  In  a  letter  of  great  interest, 
addressed  to  WiUiam  Herlle  (August  14th,  1585), 
he  makes  light  of  these  accusations.  "  My  house 
of  Burghley,"  he  says,  "  is  of  my  mother's  inherit- 
ance who  liveth  and  is  the  owner  thereof  ;  and  I 
but  a  farmer.  And  for  the  building  there,  I  have 
set  my  walls  but  upon  the  old  foundation.  Indeed, 
I  have  made  the  rough  stone  walls  to  be  of  square  ; 
and  yet  one  side  remaineth  as  my  father  left  it 
me.  I  trust  my  son  shall  be  able  to  maintain  it, 
considering  there  are  in  that  shire  a  dozen  larger, 
of  men  under  my  degree."  ^ 

In  all  of  this  there  is  great  exaggeration.  There 
can  never  have  been  a  dozen  houses  in  Northamp- 
tonshire larger  than  Burghley.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  Holdenby,  the  palace  of  Sir  Christopher 
Hatton,  was  its  only  real  rival."  And  though 
Cecil  may  have  used  the  old  foundations  so  far  as 
they  went,  his  father's  house  must  have  been  a 
mere  cottage  compared  with  the  completed  man- 
sion. According  to  Mr.  Gotch,  only  part  of  one 
wing — the  east— can  be  regarded  as  representing 
the  original  house  ;  and  it  was  this  wing  which 
was  remodelled  and  enlarged  between  1553  and 
1564.  The  great  hall  and  the  kitchen,  therefore, 
belong  to  this  period,  as  well  as  the  stone-vaulted 
staircase  in  the  north  front,  a  feature  unique  in 

1  S.  p.  Dom.,  CLXXXI.  42.     See  Gentleman's  Magazine,  February, 
1836,  p.  49. 

2  See  Mr.  Gotch's^  article  on  The  Homes  of  the  Cecils  in  Jack's 
Historical  Monograph  {1904). 


WILLIAM,   LORD  BURGHLEY  35 

England,  though  not  uncommon  in  France.  As 
it  happens,  these  are  almost  the  only  parts  of  the 
house  which  remain  to  the  present  day  practically 
unaltered.  After  1564  there  was  an  interval  of 
some  ten  years  before  building  again  began  and  the 
house  was  completed. 


D  2 


CHAPTER   III 

WILLIAM     CECIL,     LORD    BURGHLEY    {continued) 

Mary  died  on  November  17th,  1558,  and  when] 
the  Lords  of  the  Council  arrived  at  Hatfield  to- 
announce  Elizabeth's  accession,  they  found  that 
Cecil    had    forestalled    them.     He    had    already 
drawn  up  a  memorandum  of  all  the  immediate 
measures  to  be  adopted  for  the  security  of  the 
young  Queen  and  for  carrying  on  the  business  of 
the  country.     Moreover  Elizabeth  and  he  together  1 
had  decided  upon  the  new  ministers,  Cecil  himselfi 
being  appointed  Secretary  of  State.     It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  the  Queen  addressed  to  him  the 
often-quoted  words  : — 

"  I  give  you  this  charge,  that  you  shall  be  of  my  Privy 
Council,  and  content  yourself  to  take  pains  for  me  and  my 
realm.  This  judgment  I  have  of  you,  that  you  will  not 
be  corrupted  with  any  manner  of  gift  ;  and  that  you  will 
be  faithful  to  the  State  ;  and  that,  without  respect  of  my 
private  will,  you  will  give  me  that  counsel  that  you  think 
best  ;  and  if  you  shall  know  anything  necessary  to  be 
declared  to  me  of  secrecy,  you  shall  show  it  to  myself 
only ;  and  assure  yourself  I  will  not  fail  to  keep 
taciturnity  therein.  And  therefore  herewith  I  charge 
you."  ^ 

He  justified  her  confidence  by  forty  years  of 
loyal  and  honourable  service. 

1  Harington,  Nugce  Antiques,  ed.  1679,  II.  311. 


WILLIAM,   LORD    BURGHLEY  37 

One  of  the  first  things  that  claimed  his  attention 
was  the  state  of  the  Church,  and  the  rehgious 
settlement  of  1559  was  largely  due  to  his  modera- 
tion and  statesmanship.  He  had  to  steer  his 
course  between  the  Romanists  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  Puritans  on  the  other,  and  the  best  proof  of 
the  wisdom  of  his  policy  lies  in  the  fact  that  each 
party  complained  that  he  favoured  the  other. 
His  difficulties  were  increased  by  the  fact  that 
Elizabeth  was,  at  least  at  the  beginning  of  her 
reign,  personally  attracted  to  many  of  the  rites 
of  the  Roman  Church,  and  was  not  easily 
persuaded  to  go  so  far  in  the  direction  of  reform 
as  Cecil  thought  necessary.  The  attitude  of  the 
Bishops,  however,  made  a  settlement  imperatively 
necessary,  and  in  April,  1559,  the  Act  of  Supremacy 
which  "  restored  to  the  Crown  the  ancient  juris- 
diction over  the  State  Ecclesiastical  "  received  the 
Royal  assent,  after  considerable  opposition  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  The  Act  of  Uniformity,  which 
enforced  the  use  of  the  Revised  Prayer  Book,  was 
passed  at  the  same  time,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
next  two  years,  according  to  Strype,  "  the  Church 
of  England  was  reduced  to  the  same  good  state 
wherein  it  was  at  the  latter  years  of  King  Edward." 

Even  more  credit  is  due  to  Cecil  for  his  share  in^ 
bringing  about  an  enduring  peace  with  Scotland.) 
On  the  death  of  Henry  I.  of  France  in  June,  1559, 
Mary  Stuart  became  Queen  Consort,  and  her 
pretensions  to  the  throne  of  England  could  no 
longer  be  ignored.  Her  mother,  Mary  of  Guise, 
was  Regent  in  Scotland,  and  there  was  grave  fear 


38  THE   CECILS 

lest  that  country  should  pass  under  Frenchi 
domination.  In  order  to  avert  this  danger,  Cecill 
persuaded  Elizabeth  to  send  help  to  the  Scottish 
Protestants,  who  were  hard  pressed  by  the 
Catholic  party,  supported  by  French  troops.  The 
result  was  that  the  French  army,  which  was 
besieged  in  the  town  of  Leith,  was  compelled  to 
surrender,  and  Sir  William  was  sent  with  Dr. 
Wotton  as  commissioners  to  arrange  terms  of 
peace.  The  Treaty  of  Edinburgh  which  ensued 
(July,  1560)  was  a  triumph  for  Cecil's  diplomacy! 
and  statesmanship,  and  finally  put  an  end  to  the 
danger  of  French  supremacy  in  Scotland. 

On  his  return  to  London  Cecil  found  himself 
thrown  into  the  background  by  Lord  Robert 
Dudley,  who  had  become  dominant  at  Court 
during  his  absence  ;  and  though  he  regained  his 
influence  soon  after,  owing  to  the  odium  incurred 
by  Dudley  after  the  death  of  Amy  Robsart,  his 
difficulties  from  this  time  forward  until  the  death 
of  his  rival,  in  1588,  were  enormously  increased  by 
the  unprincipled  opposition  of  Dudley  and  his 
faction. 

In  1561  he  was  appointed  Master  of  the  Court  of  | 
Wards,  an  important  and  lucrative  post  involving! 
a  great  amount  of  work,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
innumerable  letters  connected  with  it  which  are 
preserved  among  the  Hatfield  MSS.  It  was  a 
position  which  provided  endless  opportunities  for 
irregular  emoluments  and  for  tyrannical  exactions. 
Cecil  reformed  the  procedure  and  executed  his 
office,  says  Camden,  "  providently  for  the  benefit 


WILLIAM,  LORD   BURGHLEY  39 

of  his  Prince  and  the  wards,  for  his  own  profit 
moderately,  and  for  the  benefit  of  his  followers 
bountifully,  yet  without  offence  ;  and  in  all 
things  with  great  commendations  for  his  inte- 
grity."^ His  impartiahty  and  incorruptibiUty 
were  recognised  on  all  sides.  "In  a  case  of 
hearing,"  says  his  domestic  biographer,  "  I  had 
rather  of  the  two  been  his  enemy.  For  if  he  leaned 
any  way,  as  willingly  he  never  would,  it  was  rather 
to  the  foe;  lest  he  might  be  taxed  of  partiality." 
The  same  authority  recurs  to  this  characteristic 
several  times,  being  evidently  much  struck  by  the 
fact  that,  as  the  Duchess  of  Suffolk  put  it  in  one  of 
her  sprightly  letters  to  Cecil,  he  would  never  "  break 
justice's  head  for  friendship." 

The  onerous  duties  of  this  office,  and  the  still 
more  responsible  labours  which  fell  to  his  lot  as 
Secretary,  would  have  more  than  occupied  most 
men.  But  at  this  time  Cecil  was  also  a  member 
[of  Parliament  for  the  county  of  Lincoln  and 
Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Cambridge.  The 
latter  post  was  by  no  means  a  sinecure,  but  gave 
him  so  much  trouble  that  in  1562  he  wished  to 
resign,  alleging  his  want  of  leisure,  his  unfitness  for 
the  position,  and  above  all  the  laxity  and  want  of 
uniformity  in  the  rehgious  observances  in  the 
University.  He  was,  however,  persuaded  to  with- 
draw his  resignation,  and  two  years  later  it  was  his 
duty  to  superintend  all  the  preparations  for  the 
Queen's  visit  to  Cambridge.  He  was  then  granted 
the  degree  of  M.A.,  and  the  same  honour  was 

1  Annals,  p.  495. 


40  THE   CECILS 

awarded  to  him  by  the  University  of  Oxford  on 
the  occasion  of  the  Queen's  visit  in  1566. 

Moreover,  his  private  affairs  must  have  taken 
up  much  of  his  time.  Besides  the  house  at 
Burghley,  where  building  was  still  in  progress,  he 
had  acquired  Cecil  House  in  the  Strand,  and  "  far 
more  beautifully  increased  it."  This  house,  which 
was  also  known  as  Burghley  House  and  Exeter 
House,  was  on  the  north  side  of  the  Strand,  and 
occupied  a  large  site  westward  of  what  is  now 
Wellington  Street.^  It  was  not  finished  in  July, 
1561,  when  Cecil  entertained  the  Queen  to  supper 
there.  In  the  letter  to  Herlle  already  quoted 
(see  p.  34)  he  says  of  it,  "  For  my  house  in  West- 
minster, I  think  it  so  old  as  it  should  not  stir  any  ; 
many  having  of  later  times  built  larger  by  far, 
both  in  city  and  country.  And  yet  the  building 
thereof  cost  me  the  sale  of  lands  worth  £100  by 
year,  in  Staffordshire,  that  I  had  of  good  King 
Edward." 

A  far  larger  undertaking  was  the  great  house  at 
Theobalds,  in  Hertfordshire.-  Cecil  bought  the 
estate  in  1563,  and  soon  afterwards  started 
building  and  planting.  As  to  this  house,  he  says 
that  it  was  "  begun  by  me  with  a  mean  measure, 
but  increased  by  occasions  of  her  Majesty's  often 
coming  ;    whom  to  please  I  never  would  omit  to 

*  It  must  not  be  confused  with  another  Exeter  House,  or  another 
Cecil  House,  which  afterwards  belonged  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil.  See 
Gotch,  Homes  of  the  Cecils,  as  before. 

2  For  an  account  of  Theobalds  see  Gotch,  and  also  the  Gentleman' s 
Magazine,  February,  1836,  which  contains  an  elaborate  article  by 
J.  G.  Nichols. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  41 

strain  myself  to  more  charges  than  building  is. 
And  yet  not  without  some  special  direction  of  her 
Majesty.  Upon  fault  found  with  the  small 
measure  of  her  chamber  (which  was  in  good 
measure  for  me),  I  was  forced  to  enlarge  a  room 
for  a  larger  chamber  :  which  need  not  be  envied 
of  any  for  riches  in  it,  more  than  the  show  of  old 
oaks  and  such  trees,  with  painted  leaves  and 
fruit."  His  domestic  biographer  also  tells  us  of 
Theobalds  that  "  at  the  first  he  meant  it  but  for 
a  little  pile,  as  I  have  heard  him  say,  but  after  he 
came  to  entertain  the  Queen  so  often  there,  he 
was  enforced  to  enlarge  it,  rather  for  the  Queen 
and  her  grand  train,  and  to  set  poor  on  work,  than 
for  pomp  and  glory." 

The  first  two  courts — completing,  probably,  the 
original  plan  of  the  house — were  completed  about 
1570,  and  Cecil  entertained  EHzabeth  there  in 
September,  157 1.  The  final  enlargement  was 
made  between  1584  and  1588. 

In  every  detail  of  these  operations,  both  in 
the  building  of  the  house  and  the  laying  out  of 
the  grounds,  Cecil  was  keenly  and  personally 
interested.  He  frequently  asked  his  corre- 
spondents abroad  to  send  him  new  books  on 
architecture  and  gardening,  as  well  as  "  things 
meet  for  his  garden."  ^  "He  greatly  dehghted  in 
making  gardens,  fountains  and  walks,"  says  his 

1  Thus,  on  one  occasion,  Windebank,  Thomas  Cecil's  tutor,  sent  him, 
at  his  request,  from  Paris,  "  a  lemon- tree  in  a  tub,  costing  15  crowns, 
and  2  myrtle  trees  in  pots,  costing  a  crown  each,  with  ample  and  curious 
directions  for  the  culture  of  these  plants  "  (Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  March  25th 
and  April  8th,  1562). 


42  THE  CECILS 

biographer,  "  which  at  Theobalds  were  perfected 
most  costly,  beautifully  and  pleasantly  ;  where 
one  might  walk  two  miles  in  the  walks  before  he 
came  to  their  ends."  The  gardens  are  also 
described  by  Hentzner,  who  visited  them  in 
1598.^  They  were  "  encompassed  with  water, 
large  enough  for  one  to  have  the  pleasure  of  going 
in  a  boat  and  rowing  among  the  shrubs,"  and 
there  were  labyrinths,  a  fountain  with  a  marble 
basin,  "built  semi-circularly,"  with  statues  of 
the  twelve  Roman  Emperors  in  white  marble. 
Hentzner  also  mentions  a  gallery,  or  cloister,  on 
the  south  side  of  the  house,  painted  with  the 
Kings  and  Queens  of  England  and,  as  we  learn 
from  another  account,  with  "  the  pedigree  of 
Lord  Burghley  and  divers  others  ancient  families  " 
as  well  as  castles  and  battles.^ 

The  house  itself  must  have  been  a  noble  pile, 
with  its  three  main  courts,  its  great  halls  and 
galleries,  its  richly  ornamented  ceilings  and 
chimney-pieces,  and  its  beautiful  tapestries.  One 
ceiling  is  described  by  a  visitor^  as  containing 
"  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  with  the  stars  proper  to 
each,"  across  which  the  sun  was,  by  some  ingenious 
mechanism,  made  to  pursue  its  course.  "  The 
walls  were  decorated  with  trees,  with  bark  so 
artfully  arranged  that  it  was  impossible  to  dis- 

'  A  translation  of  his  Journey  to  England  was  issued  by  Horace 
Walpole  at  the  Strawberry  Hill  Press,  1758.  See  Gentleman  s  Magazine, 
February,  1836,  p.  150  ;    Clutterbuck's  History  of  Hertfordshire,  II.  88. 

2  Parliamentary  Survey  taken  in  1650.  Quoted  in  Lysons'  Environs 
of  London,  IV.  33,  sqq.  ;   and  in  the  above-named  authorities. 

2  The  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg's  secretary  (1592).  Quoted  by  Mr. 
Gotch. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  43 

tinguish  between  the  artificial  and  the  natural ; 
the  birds  themselves  were  deceived,  and  on  the 
windows  being  opened,  perched  themselves  on 
the  trees  and  began  to  sing."  Cecil  delighted  in 
such  conceits,  and  it  is  sad  to  think  that  of  all 
these  glories  no  trace  remains.  No  authentic 
engraving  even  of  the  house  exists,  though  some 
idea  of  its  size  and  magnificence  may  be  obtained 
from  the  plans  made  by  John  Thorpe  in  161 1,  and 
from  the  Parliamentary  Survey  of  1610.^ 

For  many  years  after  Cecil's  marriage  with 
I  Mildred  Cooke  they  had  no  children.  Then  came 
\a  daughter,  Francisca,  who  did  not  long  survive 
her  birth,  and  then,  in  1556,  another  daughter, 
Ann.  On  this  occasion  Sir  Anthony  Cooke  writes 
quaintly  from  abroad  that  "  he  is  glad  to  hear  his 
daughter  is  well-delivered  and  although  a  son 
might  have  been  more  welcome,  yet  the  bringing 
forth  fruit  twice  in  so  few  years  and  in  this  time 
of  her  age  [she  was  only  just  thirty],  gives  good 
hope,  though  she  were  not  happy  at  the  begin- 
ning." -  Two  boys  were  born,  both  named 
IWiUiam,  in  1559  and  1561,  but  both  died  in 
'infancy.  Then  came  Robert  (1563),  who  suc- 
ceeded his  father  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  finally 
a  daughter,  Elizabeth,  to  whom  the  Queen  stood 
sponsor  (1564). 

His  eldest  son,  Thomas,  the  only  child  of  his 

I  first  marriage,  was  a  cause  of  great  anxiety  to 

\him.     He  had  never  been  a  favourite  with  his 

'  The  later  history  of  the  house  is  briefly  related  in  Chapter  X. 
-  June  loth,  1557  {Hatfield  MSS.,  I.  511). 


44  THE  CECILS 

father,  and  in  1561  he  was  sent  to  France  with  his 
tutor  to  improve  his  mind.  Of  his  subsequent 
escapades  some  account  will  be  given  later,  and 
also  of  his  marriage  and  subsequent  career. 

Meanwhile  Mary  Stuart,  left  a  widow  at  the 
age  of  eighteen  through  the  death  of  Francis  II., 
had  returned  to  Scotland  in  August,  1561,  and 
was  for  many  years  to  be  a  thorn  in  the  sides  of 
Elizabeth  and  Cecil.  Herself  the  legitimate  heir 
to  the  English  throne,  she  was  the  natural  head 
of  the  Catholic  reaction  and  the  centre  of  Cathohc 
intrigue.  Her  marriage  with  Darnley  in  1565, 
though  apparently  approved  at  first  by  EHzabeth, 
raised  the  hopes  of  the  Catholics  throughout 
Europe  still  further  ;  and  the  birth  of  her  son 
James  in  the  following  year,  may  well  have 
appeared  as  an  assurance  of  ultimate  victory. 
From  this  catastrophe  the  country  was  saved  by 
the  crimes  and  tragedies  of  the  next  few  months. 
The  murder  of  Darnley  and  the  marriage  with 
Bothwell  alienated  all  Mary's  friends,  and  her 
capture  and  imprisonment  on  Loch  Leven  were 
followed  by  her  abdication  in  July,  1567.  But 
the  troubles  of  the  English  government  with 
regard  to  Mary  were  only  just  beginning.  With 
her  escape  from  Loch  Leven  and  flight  into 
England  they  became  acute.  All  the  forces  of 
discontent  rallied  round  her  on  her  arrival  in 
England,  and  from  this  time  onward  Cecil,  in 
whom  the  Catholics  at  home  and  abroad  had  long 
recognised  the  main  obstacle  to  the  realisation 
of  their  hopes  and  of  Mary's  claims,  was  the  object 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY  45 

;of  innumerable  plots  and  was  in  constant  danger 
I  of  his  life — a  fact  which  must  be  remembered  in 
judging  his  actions. 

His  chief  opponents  were  the  party  of  Norfolk, 
who  was  scheming  to  marry  Mary  and  to  this  end 
seeking  the  aid  of  Spain ;  and  the  northern  lords, 
who  hated  the  "  upstart  "  whose  policy  aimed  at 
creating  a  national  monarchy,  with  a  consequent 
weakening  of  their  authority  and  loss  of  their 
feudal  privileges.  He  had  also  exasperated  the 
,  Spaniards  by  his  audacious  seizure  of  a  cargo  of 
treasure  on  board  Spanish  ships  which  had  taken 
refuge  in  English  ports  on  their  way  to  the  Low 
Countries — an  act  of  violence  to  which,  as  he 
anticipated,  they  were  not  in  a  position  to  retaliate 
by  war.  Henceforward  the  Spanish  Ambassador 
jintrigued  incessantly  against  him,  but  as  Cecil's 
spies  informed  him  of  all  that  took  place,  he  was 
able  to  counteract  his  machinations. 

One  of  the  most  serious  plots  for  his  destruction 
I  was  conceived  in  1569,  and  in  this,  Dudley,  now 
Earl  of  Leicester,  Norfolk,  and  the  chief  Catholic 
lords  were  implicated.  Sir  Nicholas  Throck- 
morton, a  follower  of  Leicester,  advised  that  Cecil 
should  first  be  consigned  to  the  Tower.  "If  he 
were  once  shut  up,"  he  said,  "  men  would  open 
their  mouths  to  speak  freely  against  him."  The 
plot  failed,  it  is  said,  owing  to  Leicester  himself 
giving  some  hint  of  it  to  the  Queen,  who  loyally 
supported  her  minister  throughout  this  critical 
time.  It  is  characteristic  of  Cecil  that  the  dis- 
covery  of   this   plot   made   no   difference   in   his 


46  THE   CECILS 

attitude  to  his  colleagues,  with  whom  he  still 
continued  to  work  loyally.  "  I  am  in  quietness  of 
mind,"  he  writes  to  a  friend,  "  as  feeling  the 
nearness  and  readiness  of  God's  favour  to  assist 
me  with  His  grace,  to  have  a  disposition  to  serve 
Him  before  the  world  :  and  therein  have  I  lately 
proved  His  mere  goodness  to  preserve  me  from 
some  clouds  or  mists,  in  the  midst  whereof  I 
trust  mine  honest  actions  are  proved  to  have  been 
lightsome  and  clear.  And  to  make  this  rule  more 
proper,  I  find  the  Queen's  Majesty,  my  gracious 
lady,  without  change  of  her  old  good  meaning 
towards  me,  and  so  I  trust  by  God's  goodness  to 
observe  a  continuance."  He  adds  that  "  all  my 
lords  "  professed  to  bear  him  as  much  goodwill  as 
ever.  This  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  testi- 
monies to  Cecil's  character,  that,  however  much 
'his  opponents  may  have  fought  against  him  in 
public,  they  all  seem  to  have  recognised  his 
intrinsic  goodness  and  honesty  of  purpose.  The 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  shortly  before  his  execution, 
wrote  to  the  Queen,  asking  that  Burghley  might 
act  as  a  guardian  to  his  "  poor  orphans,"  and 
again  two  days  later  (January  23rd,  1572) 
expressed  his  "  comfort  at  hearing  of  the  Queen's 
intended  goodness  towards  his  poor  unfortunate 
brats  and  that  she  has  christened  them  with  such 
an  adopted  father  as  Lord  Burghley."  ^  Another 
of  the  conspirators.  Lord  Pembroke,  made  Cecil 
one  of  his  executors,  and  even  Mary  herself, 
though   she  always  looked  on  him  as  her  chief 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  IIJ5. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  47 

enemy,  acknowledged  his  wisdom,  and  "  wished  it 
might  be  her  luck  to  get  the  friendship  of  so  wise 
a  man."  ^ 

Foiled  in  this  attempt  to  get  Cecil  out  of  the 
way,  the  Catholic  lords,  encouraged  by  the 
Spanish  Ambassador,  and  hoping  for  aid  from 
France,  continued  their  preparations  for  the 
Northern  rebellion,  which  broke  out  in  November 
of  the  same  year.  It  was  promptly  crushed  and 
was  followed  by  the  excommunication  of  Elizabeth 
by  the  Pope  in  1570.  By  this  Bull  Englishmen 
were  absolved  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance  and 
were  forced  to  choose  between  the  Queen  and  the 
Pope.  They  could  no  longer  pretend  to  reconcile 
loyalty  to  Elizabeth  with  intrigues  in  favour  of 
Mary.  The  Catholics  did  not,  however,  on  this 
account  cease  from  their  designs. 

The  Bull  of  Excommunication  was  posted  on 
I  the  Bishop  of  London's  door  by  John  Felton,  who 
was  subjected  to  torture  and  executed  for  high 
treason.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Cecil  authorised 
the  use  of  torture  in  this  instance,'-  and  for  this  he 
has  been  justly  censured.^  Torture  had  never  been 
recognised  as  legal  by  the  common  law  of  England, 
and  had  only  been  employed  by  Royal  Warrant. 
Its  use  had  not  been  infrequent  under  Henry  VIII. , 
and  several  cases  occurred  in  the  two  following 
reigns.  But  it  reached  its  culmination  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  when,  says 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  I.  400 

2  Ibid.,  I.  473. 

*  See  Jessopp,  as  before,  p.  21. 


48  THE   CECILS 

Hallam,  "  the  rack  in  the  Tower  seldom  stood 
idle."  ^  For  this  Cecil  must  be  held  mainly 
responsible.  In  excuse  it  can  only  be  alleged, 
first  that  he  never  employed  torture  for  its  own 
sake,  or  unless  he  believed  that  he  could  obtain 
necessary  information  by  so  doing  :  and  secondly, 
that  not  only  he  personally,  but  what  was  of  far 
more  importance,  the  Queen  and  the  country  were 
in  constant  and  dire  peril  from  the  diabolical 
schemes  of  their  unscrupulous  enemies.  Greatly 
as  we  must  regret  that  this  stain  should  rest  on  his 
character,  we  may  be  quite  certain  that  he  acted 
as  he  did  only  under  the  conviction  that  the 
interests  of  the  country  required  it. 

He  was  anything  but  a  cruel  man.  Indeed  at 
this  very  time  he  treated  the  leaders  of  the  Catholic 
party  with  a  magnanimity  which  amounted  to^ 
weakness.  In  spite  of  the  participation  of  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk  "  in  the  plots  of  the  previous  year, 
and  of  his  proposed  marriage  with  Mary,  with 
whom  he  was  still  in  constant  correspondence,  he 
was  released  from  the  Tower  in  August.  His 
letters  show  that  he  owed  his  liberty  to  Cecil,  who 
even  went  so  far  as  to  offer  him  his  sister-in-law. 
Lady  Hoby,  in  marriage.  Possibly  he  may  have 
thought  it  advisable  to  conciliate  his  opponents,  for 
political  reasons.^  In  June  the  appearance  of  a 
Spanish  fleet  in  the  Channel,  of  which  the  osten- 

1  See  art.  "  Torture,"  in  Encyclopcsdia  Britannica,  nth  ed.,  XXVII.  7. 

2  Norfolk  had  been  a  Protestant,  but  at  this  time  he  professed  himself 
a  Catholic  ;  on  the  scaffold  he  said  he  had  always  been  a  Protestant 
(Pollard,  History  of  England,  1547— 1603,  p.  298). 

^  He  had  several  interviews  with  Mary  herself  at  Chatsworth. 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  49 

sible  purpose  was  to  convey  Anne  of  Austria  from 
Flanders  to  Spain,  produced  a  panic  in  London  ; 
and  one  day  in  July  the  Queen  was  in  such  a  state 
of  alarm  and  excitement  that  Cecil,  on  retiring  to 
his  own  apartment,  cried  to  his  wife  in  deep 
distress,  "  O  wife !  If  God  do  not  help  us,  we  shall 
be  lost  and  undone.  Get  together  all  the  jewels 
and  money  you  can,  that  you  may  follow  me  when 
the  time  comes,  for  surely  trouble  is  in  store  for 
us."  ^  Spain,  however,  was  not  ready  to  fight  and 
the  danger  passed  away. 

,  Next  year  Cecil's  misplaced  leniency  towards 
I  Norfolk  was  repaid  by  his  participation  in  the 
'Ridolfi  plot.  This  villainous  conspiracy  involved 
the  conquest  of  England  by  Spain,  the  assassina- 
tion of  Elizabeth  and  her  great  ministers,  and  the 
elevation  of  Mary  to  the  throne  with  Norfolk  as 
her  consort.  Cecil  soon  got  wind  of  the  scheme, 
and  with  infinite  patience  and  skill  unravelled  it 
until  he  had  sufficient  evidence  on  which  to  work. 
[  He  then  struck  hard.  The  Duke  of  Norfolk  was 
sent  to  the  Tower,  other  conspirators  arrested, 
and  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  Guerau  de  Spes,  to 
his  unspeakable  indignation  and  astonishment, 
ignominiously  expelled.  His  opinion  of  Cecil,  as 
expressed  in  the  report  of  his  embassy,  is  worth 
quoting  : — 

"  The  principal  person  in  the  Council  is  William  Cecil, 
now  Lord  Burghley,  a  Knight  of  the  Garter.  He  is  a 
man  of  mean  sort,  but  very  astute,  false,  lying  and  full  of 

1  Spanish  State  Papers.  Quoted  by  Hume,  p.  248.  The  authority 
is  the  Spanish  agent,  de  Guaras. 

C.  E 


50  THE   CECILS 

artifice.  He  is  a  great  heretic  and  such  a  clownish 
Englishman  as  to  believe  that  all  the  Christian  princes 
joined  together  are  not  able  to  injure  the  sovereign  of  his 
country,  and  he  therefore  treats  their  ministers  with  great 
arrogance.  This  man  manages  the  bulk  of  the  business, 
and  by  means  of  his  vigilance  and  craftiness,  together 
with  his  utter  unscrupulousness  of  word  and  deed,  thinks 
to  outwit  the  ministers  of  other  princes,  which  to  some 
extent  he  has  hitherto  succeeded  in  doing."  ^ 

As  the  main  plot  failed,  so  did  the  attempt  to 
j  procure  the  assassination  of  Burghley  himself. 
The  confession  of  Edmund  Mather,  one  of  the 
conspirators,  who  stated  that  he  was  instigated 
by  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  throws  light  on  the 
methods  adopted. 

"  Of  late,"  he  writes,  "  I  have  upon  discontent  entered 
into  conspiracy  with  some  others  to  slay  your  lordship. 
And  the  time  appointed,  a  man  with  a  perfect  hand 
attended  you  three  several  times  in  your  garden  to  have 
slain  your  lordship." 

That  failing,  they  now  intended  to  slay  him 

"  with  a  shot  upon  the  terrace,  or  else  in  coming  late 
from  the  Court  \vith  a  pistolet.  And  being  touched  with 
some  remorse  of  so  bloody  a  deed,  in  discharge  of  my 
conscience  and  before  God,  I  warn  your  lordship  of  these 
evil  and  desperate  meanings." 

He  adds,  naively,  "  For  the  thanks  I  deserve,  I 
shall,  I  doubt  not,  but  receive  them  hereafter  at 
your  hands  at  more  convenient  time,  when  these 
storms  are  past."  ^ 

^  Quoted  by  Hume,  p.  264. 

2  Hatfield  MSS.,  II.,  i.  2.     January  4th,  1572. 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  51 

The  Duke  of  Norfolk,  tried  by  a  jury  of  peers, 
was  condemned  to  death  in  January,  1572,  and  in 
spite  of  the  reluctance  of  the  Queen,  who  respited 
him  several  times,  he  was  executed  in  June. 
With  him  the  last  surviving  dukedom  in  England 
became  extinct. 

Meanwhile,  early  in  1571,  Sir  William  Cecil  had 
( been  raised  to  the  peerage  under  the  title  of 
Baron  of  Burghley.^,  The  Queen,  as  Fuller  says, 
"  honoured  her  honours  by  conferring  them 
sparingly,"  and  this  is  the  only  instance  during 
her  reign  of  the  ennobling  of  a  man  who  was  not 
an  aristocrat  by  birth.  The  elevation  was  not  of 
his  own  seeking,  and  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
taken  much  pride  in  it.  In  a  letter  to  Nicholas 
White,  a  member  of  the  Privy  Council  in  Ireland, 
he  writes,  "  my  style  is  Lord  of  Burghley,  if  you 
mean  to  know  it,  for  your  writing,  and  if  you  list 
to  write  truly,  the  poorest  lord  in  England  :  " 
and  in  letters  to  Walsingham  at  about  the  same 
time  he  says,  "  My  style  of  my  poor  degree  is 
Lord  of  Burleigh,"  and  again,  "  Your  assured 
loving  friend  William  Cecil :  I  forgot  my  new 
word,  William  Burleigh."  But  even  his  enemies 
were  agreed  that  the  honour  was  well  deserved,  and 
the  Bishop  of  Ross,  Mary's  confidential  minister, 
echoed  the  general  opinion  when  he  wrote,  "  Your 
virtue,  wisdom  and  experience  has  merited  that 
and  much  more  ;  and  happy  is  that  commonwealth 
where  the  magistrates  are  so  selected  :  et  quum  aut 

1  Also    written    "  Burleigh "  ;     but    "  Burghley  "    is    the    spelling 
ofl&cially  adopted. 

E  2 


52  THE  CECILS 

sapientes  gubernant,  aut  gubernantes  philoso- 
phantur." 

In  the  following  year  he  received  still  further 
Imarks  of  the  Royal  favour.  Not  only  was  he  made 
a  Knight  of  the  Garter,  but  on  the  death  of  the 
Marquis  of  Winchester,  he  succeeded  to  his  post 
as  Lord  High  Treasurer,  an  office  which  he 
retained  for  the  remaining  twenty-six  years  of 
his  life. 

If  Burghley  was  as  poor  as  he  pretended,  his 
poverty  must  have  been  owing  to  the  enormous 
expenditure  on  his  houses  and  estates.  The  two 
principal  courts  of  Theobalds  were  only  lately 
completed,  and  from  this  time  onward  the  Queen 
visited  him  there  almost  every  year,  staying 
generally  three  or  four  days,  but  sometimes  as 
long  as  a  fortnight.  On  these  occasions  the 
entertainment  was  on  a  lavish  scale,  and  the  cost 
was  very  great.  We  are  told  that  "  his  lordship's 
extraordinary  charge  in  entertainment  of  the 
Queen  was  greater  to  him  than  to  any  of  her 
subjects,  for  he  entertained  her  at  his  house 
twelve  several  times,  which  cost  him  two  or  three 
thousand  pounds  each  time.  But  his  love  for 
his  sovereign  and  joy  to  entertain  her  and  her 
train  was  so  great,  as  he  thought  no  trouble,  care, 
nor  cost  too  much  and  all  too  little."  ^ 

The  same  authority  tells  us  that  he  kept  two 
principal  houses,  one  at  London,  and  one  at 
Theobalds,  "  though  he  was  at  charge  both  at 
Burghley  and  at  Court."     He  must  have  spent 

'  Peck,  as  before. 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  53 

most  of  his  time  in  London,  but  even  when  he  was 
not  at  Theobalds  he  kept  a  staff  of  about  thirty 
servants  there  permanently,  at  a  weekly  charge 
of  twelve  pounds.  "  He  also  relieved  there  daily 
20  or  30  poor  people  at  the  gate,  and  besides  gave 
weekly  in  money,  by  Mr.  Neale,  his  lordship's 
chaplin,  vicar  of  Cheshunt,  twenty  shillings  to  the 
poor  there.  The  weekly  charge  in  setting  poor 
on  work  as  weeders,  labourers,  etc.  came  to  ten 
pounds.  And  so  his  weekly  charge  at  Theobalds 
(his  household  being  at  London)  was  twenty-two 
pounds."  This  charge  was  increased  to  "  fourscore 
pounds  in  a  week  "  when  he  was  at  Theobalds,  in 
addition  to  the  cost  of  his  stable,  which  was 
"  yearly  a  thousand  marks  at  the  least."  At  the 
same  time,  he  kept  ordinarily  in  his  household  in 
London  fourscore  persons,  at  a  charge  of  thirty 
pounds  a  week,  which  increased  ten  or  twelve 
pounds  a  week  when  he  was  in  London. 

At  Burghley,  building  operations  had  been 
suspended  for  some  years,  though  no  doubt  con- 
stant improvements  in  the  gardens  and  estate 
were  being  made. 

As  before  said,  the  house  belonged  to  the  Lord 
Treasurer's  mother,  but  she  does  not  seem  to  have 
taken  up  her  abode  there  permanently  till  1573. 
On  May  26th  of  that  year,  Peter  Kemp,  the 
steward,  writes  that,  "  within  ten  days  my  mistress, 
your  mother,  doth  mean  to  go  to  Burghley  for 
altogether.  I  have  almost  finished  her  chamber 
to  her  contentation.  She  giveth  you  hearty 
thanks   for   your   courtesy   shewed   her   in   your 


54  THE  CECILS 

letter.     She  did  weep  for  joy  when  I  read  it  to 

her."^ 

Soon  after  this,  building  must  have  begun  again, 
as  in  September,  1575,  Kemp  writes  asking  for 
"  the  upright  of  the  face  ^  of  the  house  his 
lordship  intends  building,  as  the  workmen  are 
almost  at  a  standstill  for  want  of  it."  The  addi- 
tions now  begun  were  to  include  the  quadrangle 
and  the  North,  South  and  West  fronts,  and  the 
house  was  not  completed  until  1587. 

Burghley  house  remains,  so  far  as  the  outside 
is  concerned,  very  much  as  its  builder  left  it,  only 
some  outbuildings  having  been  pulled  down.  It 
is  a  typical  example  of  late  Elizabethan  architec- 
ture, and  is  imposing  rather  than  beautiful.  The 
interior  has  been  very  much  altered  and  re- 
decorated, so  that  little  of  the  original  work 
remains.  There  are,  however,  some  fine  ceilings 
by  Verrio,  who  is  said  to  have  lived  at  Burghley 
for  twelve  years  while  engaged  on  them,  and  by 
Laguerre,  and  there  is  some  carving  by  Grinling 
Gibbons.  All  of  this,  as  well  as  the  great  collection 
of  pictures  and  other  works  of  art,  date  from  the 
time  of  the  fifth  Earl  of  Exeter. 

In  addition  to  its  tapestries,  furniture,  pictures 
and  miniatures,  Burghley  is  famous  for  its  plate, 
which  includes  five  silver-gilt  dishes,  used  by  the 
successive  Earls  as  hereditary  Grand  Almoners, 
at  coronations,  as  well  as  one  which  Lord  Exeter 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  II.  52. 

*  I.e.,  the  "  elevation."  Mr.  Gotch  seems  to  have  overlooked  this 
letter  {Hatfield  MSS.,  II.  iii),  when  he  gives  1577  as  the  date  of 
beginning  the  final  enlargement. 


istory  ol  the  County  of  Northa 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  55 

had  made  in  commemoration  of  the  coronation  of 
Edward  VII.^ 

The  grounds  were  originally  laid  out  on  a  large 
scale.  There  were  enclosed  courts  on  three  sides 
of  the  house,  and  on  the  south  extensive  pleasure- 
gardens,  formally  arranged  and  including  several 
ponds,  a  bowling-green,  a  mount,  the  "  Bantam 
Grove,"  wilderness,  pheasantry,  melon-ground  and 
wilderness.  Beyond  was  the  park  of  1,500  acres, 
planted  with  long  and  wide  avenues,  the  whole 
forming  a  dignified  and  beautiful  setting  to  the 
house.  All  of  this  was  ruthlessly  swept  away  by 
"  Capability  "  Brown,  who  destroyed  so  many  of 
our  finest  gardens  in  the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  the  house  now  rises  baldly  out  of  the 
grass.^ 

Burghley's  incessant  work  was  already  telling 
on  his  health.  He  had  always  been  subject  to 
attacks  of  gout  and  fever,  and  in  the  spring  of 
1572  he  had  a  serious  illness,  so  that  at  one  time 
his  life  was  despaired  of.  After  this  attacks 
became  more  and  more  frequent,  and  he  was 
inundated  with  extraordinary  remedies  for  gout 
sent  him  by  various  correspondents.  In  1575  he 
went  to  Buxton,  where  he  met  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
who  had  received  permission  to  visit  that  watering- 
place  for  the  benefit  of  her  health.  Burghley's 
enemies  at  Court  took  the  opportunity  to  insinuate 

1  See  Victoria  County  History,  Northamptonshire,  II.  524 — 526. 

2  The  present  Lord  and  Lady  Exeter  have  done  something  to  remedy 
the  evil  ;  they  have  made  a  formal  garden  on  the  south  of  the  house. 
a  new  rose  garden  and  other  improvements, 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  55 

had  made  in  commemoration  of  the  coronation  of 
Edward  VII.^ 

The  grounds  were  originally  laid  out  on  a  large 
scale.  There  were  enclosed  courts  on  three  sides 
of  the  house,  and  on  the  south  extensive  pleasure- 
gardens,  formally  arranged  and  including  several 
ponds,  a  bowling-green,  a  mount,  the  "  Bantam 
Grove,"  wilderness,  pheasantry,  melon-ground  and 
wilderness.  Beyond  was  the  park  of  1,500  acres, 
planted  with  long  and  wide  avenues,  the  whole 
forming  a  dignified  and  beautiful  setting  to  the 
house.  All  of  this  was  ruthlessly  swept  away  by 
"  Capability  "  Brown,  who  destroyed  so  many  of 
our  finest  gardens  in  the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  the  house  now  rises  baldly  out  of  the 
grass.^ 

Burghley's  incessant  work  was  already  telling 
on  his  health.  He  had  always  been  subject  to 
attacks  of  gout  and  fever,  and  in  the  spring  of 
1572  he  had  a  serious  illness,  so  that  at  one  time 
his  life  was  despaired  of.  After  this  attacks 
became  more  and  more  frequent,  and  he  was 
inundated  with  extraordinary  remedies  for  gout 
sent  him  by  various  correspondents.  In  1575  he 
went  to  Buxton,  where  he  met  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
who  had  received  permission  to  visit  that  watering- 
place  for  the  benefit  of  her  health.  Burghley's 
enemies  at  Court  took  the  opportunity  to  insinuate 

1  See  Victoria  County  History,  Northamptonshire,  II.  524 — 526. 

2  The  present  Lord  and  Lady  Exeter  have  done  something  to  remedy 
the  evil  ;  they  have  made  a  formal  garden  on  the  south  of  the  house. 
a  new  rose  garden  and  other  improvements, 


56  THE   CECILS 

suspicions  concerning  this  visit  in  the  Queen's  ear, 
and  with  some  success,  for  on  his  return  he  writes 
to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  : — 

"  I  had  very  sharp  reproofs  for  my  going  to  Buxton, 
with  plain  charging  of  me  for  favouring  the  Queen  of 
Scots  ;  and  that  in  so  earnest  a  sort  as  I  never  looked  for, 
knowing  my  integrity  to  her  Majesty,  but  specially 
knowing  how  contrariously  the  Queen  of  Scots  conceived 
of  me  for  many  things  passed  to  the  offence  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots." 

Burghley  even  thought  it  prudent  to  decline  a 
proposed  match  between  his  daughter  Elizabeth, 
then  nine  years  of  age,  and  a  son  of  the  Earl 
of  Shrewsbury,  who,  as  guardian  of  Mary, 
was  supposed  to  have  been  privy  to  what  was 
going  on.^ 

The  Lord  Treasurer  paid  several  other  visits  to 
Buxton — where,  if  we  may  judge  from  a  letter 
written  by  the  Earl  of  Leicester  in  the  summer  of 
1577,  he  did  not  always  submit  himself  to  the 
discipline  necessary  for  a  cure.  Leicester  and  his 
brother  thought  the  water  would  be  good  for  him, 
"  but  not  if  he  does  as  they  hear  he  did  last  time, 
take  great  journeys  abroad,  10  or  12  miles  a  day, 
and  use  liberal  diet,  with  dinners   and  suppers. 

1  In  this  year  also  another  offer  was  made  for  the  hand  of  Elizabeth 
Cecil  by  the  Earl  of  Essex,  on  behalf  of  his  eldest  son  (then  aged  six). 
Essex  died  in  1576,  and  the  day  before  his  death  he  wrote  a  pathetic 
letter,  asking  that  his  son  might  be  brought  up  in  Burghley's  household, 
so  that  he  might  grow  up  "  to  reverence  your  Lordship  for  your  wisdom 
and  gravity  and  lay  up  your  commands  and  advices  in  the  treasury  of 
his  heart."  "  It  is  sad  to  consider,"  says  Hume,  "  that  the  son  grew 
up  to  be  the  enemy  of  his  father's  friend  :  to  succeed,  in  his  enmity, 
the  vile  Leicester,  who  dishonoured  his  mother  and  deliberately  ruined 
his  father." 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  57 

They  take  another  way,  dining  two  or  three 
together  now  Lord  Pembroke  is  there,  having 
but  one  dish  or  two  at  most  and  taking  the  air 
afoot  or  on  horseback,  moderately."  Whether 
Burghley  followed  this  advice  we  cannot  say,  but 
he  went  to  Buxton  in  July  and  at  Leicester's 
request  sent  the  Queen  a  "  tun  of  Buxton  water." 
Elizabeth's  reception  of  it  was  characteristic. 
"  Your  water  is  safely  arrived,"  wrote  the  Earl, 
"  and  I  told  her  Majesty  of  it,  who  now  it  is  come, 
seemeth  not  to  make  any  great  account  of  it. 
And  yet  she  more  than  twice  or  thrice  commanded 
me  earnestly  to  write  to  you  for  it,  and  after  I  had 
done  so  asked  me  sundry  times  whether  I  had 
remembered  it  or  no,  but  it  seems  her  Majesty  doth 
mistrust  it  will  not  be  of  the  goodness  here  it  is 
there  ;  beside,  somebody  told  her  there  was  some 
bruit  of  it  about,  as  though  her  Majesty  had  had 
some  sore  leg.  Such  like  devices  made  her  half 
angry  with  me  now  for  sending  to  you  for  it." 

At  this  time  Burghley's  anxieties  were  aggra- 
vated by  the  behaviour  of  his  son-in-law,  the 
Earl  of  Oxford.  Ann  Cecil  had  been  betrothed  in 
1569,  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
and  the  settlements  for  the  proposed  marriage  are 
preserved  at  Hatfield.  The  arrangement,  how- 
ever, fell  through,  and  in  1571  she  was  married 
with  much  pomp  to  Edward  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford, 
who  had  been  brought  up  as  a  Royal  ward  in 
Burghley's  household.  "  Th'  Erie  of  Oxenforde 
hath  gotten  him  a  wyffe,"  wrote  Lord  St.  John, 
"  or  at  the  leste  a  wyffe  hath  caught  him.     This  is 


58  THE   CECILS 

Mrs.  Anne  Cycille,  whereunto  the  Queen  hath 
gyven  her  consent."  The  Earl  was  eccentric, 
extravagant  and  dissolute,  and  the  result  was  such 
as  an  affectionate  parent  might  have  foreseen. 
During  Oxford's  absence  on  the  Continent  in 
1575 — 1576,  he  received  some  reports  which 
disturbed  him,  and  coming  home  at  Burghley's 
request,  he  behaved  in  a  most  extraordinary 
manner,  refusing  to  see  his  wife,  or  to  formulate 
any  grounds  of  complaint  against  her.  In  April, 
1576,  he  writes  to  Burghley  that  : — 

"  Until  he  can  better  satisfy  himself  concerning  certain 
*  mislikes  '  he  is  not  determined  to  accompany  her.  What 
these  are  he  will  not  publish  until  it  shall  please  him, 
neither  will  he  weary  his  life  any  more  with  such  troubles 
and  molestations  as  he  has  endured,  nor  to  please  his 
lordship  discontent  himself.  With  regard  to  his  lord- 
ship's offer  to  receive  her  into  his  own  house,  it  doth  very 
well  content  him,  for  there,  as  his  lordship's  daughter 
(or  her  mother's),  rather  than  as  his  wife,  his  lordship 
may  take  comfort  of  her  and  he  himself  be  well  rid  of  the 
cumber,  whereby  he  doubts  not  he  will  be  well  eased  of 
many  griefs.  She  hath  a  sufficient  portion  for  her 
maintenance." 

He  expresses  his  regret  that  this  had  not  been 
arranged  by  private  conference  without  thus 
becoming  "  the  fable  of  the  world  and  raising 
open  suspicions,  to  his  wife's  disgrace  and  to  his 
own  increased  misliking."  ^ 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  II.  375.  The  same  volume  contains  many  docu- 
ments dealing  with  this  subject,  including  notes  by  Burghley  of  his 
proposals  for  the  separate  maintenance  of  the  Countess,  memoranda  of 
the  "  good  offices  rendered  by  him  from  time  to  time  to  the  Earl  and 
the  latter 's  subsequent  ingratitude,"  and  notes  of  the  amount  of  money 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  59 

Some  sort  of  reconciliation  took  place  soon  after, 
as  we  hear  of  the  Earl  and  Countess  going  to 
Theobalds  in  the  following  December,  "  28  servants 
with  them  "  ;  but  Oxford  continued  to  lead  a  life 
of  dissipation  and  to  treat  his  wife  with  great 
cruelty,  while  his  extravagance  was  a  source  of 
constant  expense  to  Burghley  until  the  death  of 
his  daughter  in  1589.  "  No  enemy  I  have,"  he 
wrote  to  Walsingham  two  years  before,  "  can  envy 
this  match." 

expended  on  his  behalf.  It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  children  of  this 
union  were  two  sons,  who  died  in  the  lifetime  of  their  father,  and  three 
daughters,  of  whom  Elizabeth  married  the  sixth  Earl  of  Derby :  Bridget 
married  the  Earl  of  Berkshire  (ancestor  of  the  present  Earl  of  Abing- 
don) :  and  Susan,  the  youngest,  married  the  fourth  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
Oxford's  quarrel  with  Sir  Philip  Sidney  is  historic. 


CHAPTER  IV 

WILLIAM    CECIL,   LORD   BURGHLEY   [continued) 

The  years  which  followed  the  discovery  of  the 
Ridolfi  plot,  if  less  critical  for  the  nation,  were 
years  of  strenuous  work  and  anxiety  for  Burghley.  ' 
At  home  he  had  to  contend  with  incessant  intrigues 
on  the  part  of  Leicester  and  his  party,  and  with 
the  dangers  arising  from  the  continued  activity  of 
the  Catholics,  which  culminated  in  the  Jesuit 
mission  of  Campion  and  Parsons.  Abroad  the 
complications  following  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  and  the  progress  of  the  conflict 
between  Protestantism  and  Catholicism  in  France, 
Holland  and  Germany  produced  a  situation  which 
would  have  required  all  Burghley's  caution  and 
far-seeing  statesmanship  to  grapple  with,  even 
if  it  had  not  been  rendered  immeasurably  more 
difficult  and  dangerous  by  the  tortuous  diplomacy 
of  Elizabeth.  For  eleven  years  the  Queen  kept 
up  negotiations  for  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  \ 
Anjou,  using  him  as  a  pawn  in  her  game,  and  giving 
endless  anxiety  to  her  ministers,  who,  on  the  all- 
important  matters  of  the  Queen's  marriage  and 
the  succession  to  the  throne,  were  kept  in  a  per- 
petual state  of  uncertainty. 

This    period    was    marked    by    the    increasing 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  6i 

prosperity  of  the  country  and  by  the  voyages  of 
Drake  and  other  seamen,  and  Burghley's  connec- 
tion with  and  attitude  towards  these  matters  must 
be  briefly  defined.  From  his  earHest  days  of 
authority  he  had  done  everything  in  his  power 
to  encourage  the  trading  classes  and  to  protect 
and  expand  commerce.  In  the  first  year  of  his 
Secretaryship,  under  Edward  VI.,  he  had  done 
away  with  the  privileges  of  the  merchants  of  the 
Stillyard,  to  the  great  advantage  of  English 
traders.  Soon  after  the  accession  of  Elizabeth, 
he  was  responsible  for  the  reform  of  the  currency, 
fine  silver  coin  being  substituted  for  the  base 
money  issued  by  her  predecessors  ;  and  by  this 
measure,  aided  by  economy  in  administration  and 
the  prevention  of  waste,  he  had  in  a  very  short 
time  reduced  the  financial  chaos  to  order  and 
restored  the  national  credit.  He  was  always  on 
the  look-out  for  an  opportunity  to  introduce  new 
industries,  and  established  communities  for  foreign 
weavers  in  Stamford  and  other  towns. 

Above  all  he  encouraged  and  subsidised  ship- 
building and  foreign  trade.  "  A  realm  can  never 
be  rich,"  he  said,  "  that  hath  not  an  intercourse 
and  trade  of  merchandise  with  other  nations," 
and  he  added  a  maxim  often  forgotten  at  the 
present  day,  "  A  realm  must  needs  be  poor  that 
carryeth  not  out  more  than  it  bringeth  in."^ 
When  the  Spanish  Ambassador  complained  of 
English  expeditions  to  the  Gold  Coast,  Cecil 
repHed,  "  that  the  Pope  had  no  right  to  partition 

>  Peck. 


62  THE   CECILS 

the  world  and  to  give  and  take  kingdoms,"^  and 
when  the  Portuguese  Ambassador  made  a  similar 
protest  he  was  told  that,  "  the  Queen  does  not 
acknowledge  the  right  of  the  King  of  Portugal 
to  forbid  the  subjects  of  another  prince  from 
trading  where  they  like,  and  she  will  take  care 
that  her  subjects  are  not  worse  treated  in  the 
King  of  Portugal's  dominions  than  his  are  in 
hers."^  At  the  same  time  he  refused  to  counten- 
ance piracy  in  any  form,  not  only  because  it  might 
lead  to  war,  but  also  because  of  its  bad  effect  on 
legitimate  trade. 

It  is  not  true  to  say  that  he  was  unsympathetic 
towards  the  magnificent  achievements  of  the 
Elizabethan  seamen.  Though  he  was  not  one  of 
those  who  would  give  up  everything 

"  To  try  the  sea  and  win  undying  fame," 

he  could  acknowledge  and  appreciate  the  achieve- 
ments of  others,  so  long  as  they  did  not  interfere 
with  the  political  and  commercial  interests  which 
it  was  his  duty  to  guard.  In  the  case  of  Drake's 
famous  voyage  in  the  Golden  Hind  {iS77 — 15S0), 
"  the  Queen  had  forbiden  any  revelation  of  the 
voyage  to  Burghley,  who  wished  to  avoid  the  risk 
of  an  open  breach  with  Spain  ;  and  Drake  felt 
that  he  had  been  encouraged  by  Leicester  and 
Walsingham  in  order  that  his  aggression  might 
frustrate  Burghley 's  efforts  for  peace."  ^  Burghley, 
of  course,  found  out  all  about  the  expedition,  and 

'  Cal.  S.  P.  Spanish.     November  27th,  1561. 
a  Cal.  S.  P.  Foreign.     April  8th,  1561, 
*  Pollard,  p.  319. 


WILLIAM,  LORD  BURGHLEY  63 

as  he  could  not  forbid  it,  he  sent  Doughty  with  it 
as  his  secret  agent,  instructing  him,  one  must 
suppose,  to  thwart  Drake's  plans  in  every  way. 
The  tragic  sequel  is  well  known.  Doughty  was 
executed  in  St.  Julian's  Bay,  after  numerous  acts 
of  insubordination,  and  Drake  proceeded  on  his 
voyage  round  the  world,  returning  after  nearly 
three  years  with  his  ship  filled  with  Spanish 
treasures,  of  which,  very  naturally,  the  Lord 
Treasurer  refused  to  accept  a  share. 

As  time  went  on,  Burghley's  position  became 
more  and  more  difficult  and  burdensome  to  him. 
His  increasing  years  and  constant  ill-health  would 
have  been  enough  in  themselves  to  justify  him 
in  seeking  some  diminution  of  his  labours.  A  far 
greater  source  of  trouble  was  that  he  was  no 
longer  able  to  guide  the  affairs  of  the  nation  as  he 
wished.  His  opponents  in  the  Council  were  be- 
coming more  powerful,  and  his  friend  and  colleague 
Walsingham,  who  had  taken  his  place  as  Secretary 
in  1581,  now  added  his  influence  to  that  of  Leicester 
and  encouraged  the  Queen  in  a  policy  which  could 
only  result  in  war  with  Spain. 

The  death  of  William  Wentworth,  who  had 
married  his  daughter  EHzabeth  in  1582,  and  fell 
a  victim  to  the  plague  at  Theobalds  a  few  months 
later ;  and  the  fact  that  his  friend  the  Earl  of 
Sussex    lay    dying,^     must    have    added    to    his 

'  He  died  in  June,  1583.  The  relations  between  the  two  men  are 
shown  in  their  correspondence.  See,  especially,  a  letter  from  Sussex 
(June  28th,  1580),  in  which,  acknowledging  a  letter  written  by  Burghley 
to  the  Countess,  he  says  :  "  Both  she  and  I  do  love,  honour  and  rever- 
ence you  as  a  father,  and  will  do  you  all  service  we  can,  as  far  as  any 


64  THE   CECILS 

sorrow  and  depression.  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  in  the  spring  of  1583  he  should  have 
sought  permission  to  resign  ;  nor  can  we  wonder, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  the  request  should  have 
been  refused.  For  Elizabeth,  however  much  she 
might  suffer  herself  to  be  influenced  by  his  enemies, 
relied  at  heart  upon  Burghley's  "  sound,  deep 
judgment  and  counsel,"  well  knowing  that,  as  she 
told  Sussex  a  few  years  before,  "  no  prince  in 
Europe  had  such  a  councillor  as  she  had." 

During  these  years  the  intrigues  and  plots  of 
the  Catholics  continued  without  intermission. 
The  "  Jesuit  invasion  "  of  Campion  and  Parsons 
in  1581,  though  in  itself  a  complete  failure,  roused 
the  nation  to  fury,  and  the  discovery  of  plot  after 
plot  to  assassinate  the  Queen,  or  to  raise  a  revolt 
in  favour  of  Mary,  led  to  rigorous  measures  of 
repression,  which  Burghley  was  powerless  to 
prevent,  though  he  was  able  in  some  degree  to 
mitigate  their  severity. 

His  enemies  took  advantage  of  his  moderation  to 
spread  reports  that  he  was  hostile  to  the  cause  of 
Protestantism.  He  was  also  charged  with  mono- 
polising the  Queen's  patronage,  absorbing  the 
government  into  his  own  hand,  amassing  enormous 
wealth  by  encroaching  on  the  realm  and  the 
Commons,  compelling  all  suitors  to  apply  to  him 
for  justice,  and  making  England  in  fact  "  regnum 
Caecilianum." '     Burghley  was  informed  of  these 

child  you  have,  with  heart  and  hand,  and  so  pray  you  to  dispose  of  us 
both  "  (Hatfield  MSS.,  II.  326). 

*  Froude,  History  of  England,  XII.  132,  note. 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY  65 

accusations  by  his  confidential  agent,  William 
Herlle,  and  his  indignation  bursts  out  in  his 
reply  :— 

"  I  may  say  truly,"  he  writes,  "  acuenmt  linguas  suas 
sicut  serpentcs  ;  veneniim  aspidum  sub  lahris  eorum.  If 
they  think  me  guilty  they  need  not  fear  to  accuse  me,  for 
I  am  not  worthy  to  continue  in  this  place  :  but  I  will  yield 
myself  worthy  not  only  to  be  removed  but  to  be  punished 
as  an  example  to  all  others.  If  they  cannot  prove  all  the 
lies  they  utter,  let  them  make  any  one  point  wherewith 
to  prove  me  guilty  of  falsehood,  injustice,  bribery, 
dissimulation,  double-dealing  in  advice  in  Council 
either  with  her  Majesty  or  with  her  councillors. 
.  .  .  They  that  say  in  a  rash  and  malicious  mockery 
that  England  is  now  become  regnum  Caecilianum,  may 
please  their  cankered  humours  with  such  a  device,  but  if 
my  actions  be  considered,  if  there  be  any  cause  given  by 
me  of  such  a  nickname,  they  may  be  found  out  in  many 
other  juster  causes  to  attribute  other  names  than  mine." 

He  goes  on  to  speak  of  his  houses  at  Theobalds, 
Burghley  and  in  the  Strand,^  and  then  proceeds  to 
complain  of  the  small  rewards  he  had  received  from 
the  Queen  for  all  his  long  services.  The  fee  for  the 
Treasurership  was  no  more  than  it  had  been  for 
three  hundred  years,  and  would  not  answer  the 
charges  of  his  stable.  He  had  been  obliged  to  sell 
land  of  his  own  to  pay  his  expenses  at  Court.  The 
hardest  part  of  the  public  business  was  thrown 
upon  him.  Yet  of  the  good  things  which  the 
Queen  had  to  bestow  nothing  had  fallen  to 
kinsman,  servant,  or  follower  of  the  house  of 
Cecil. 

'  These  portions  of  the  letter  have  already  been  quoted,  pp.  34,  40. 
C.  F 


66  THE   CECILS 

"  In  very  truth,"  he  says,  "  I  know  my  credit  in  such 
cases  so  mean,  and  others  I  find  so  earnest  and  able  to 
obtain  anything,  that  I  do  utterly  forbear  to  move  for  any. 
Whereupon  many,  my  good  friends,  do  justly  challenge 
me  as  unwise,  that  I  seek  to  place  neither  man  nor  woman 
in  the  chamber  nor  without  to  serve  her  Majesty,  whereby 
I  might  do  my  friends  good  ;  and  therefore  indeed  I  have 
few  partial  friends,  and  so  I  find  the  want  thereof."  ^ 

As   war   v^^ith   Spain   became   more   and   more 
certain,  so  did  the  presence  of  Mary  in  England, 
as  a  focus  of  intrigue,  become  more  evidently  a 
source   of  danger  that  must  be  removed.     The 
discovery    of    her    complicity    in    the    villainous 
Babington  plot  was  all  that  was  now  needed  to 
seal    her    fate.     It    was    this    which    convinced 
Burghley,    who    had    hitherto    been    favourably 
disposed  to  her,  that  her  presence  could  no  longer 
be  tolerated.     Elizabeth  was  reluctantly  forced  to 
the  same  conclusion,  though,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  she  wished  to  avoid  the  responsi- 
bility for  her  death.     When  she  heard  that  the 
execution,  the  warrant  for  which  she  had  signed, 
had  actually  been  carried  out,  she  flew  into  a 
rage  with  all  her  ministers,  and  Davison,  who,  as 
Secretary,  was  technically  responsible,  was  made 
a  scapegoat ;  he  was  deprived  of  his  office,  heavily 
fined  and  ruined  for  life.    Burghley  himself  fell  into 
deep  disgrace,  though  how  far  the  Queen's  rage 
was  real  and  how  far  assumed  for  the  sake  of. 
appearances,  it  is  difficult  to  say.     It  is  certain  at 

1  Burghley  to  Herlle,  August  14th,  1585  (S.  P.  Dom.  Elizabeth. 
CLXXXI.  No.  42).  The  portion  here  given  is  quoted  by  Froude,  XII. 
132,  note. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  67 

any  rate  that  he  was  obHged  to  retire  from  Court 
for  some  months,  and  that  he  wrote  complaining 
that  she  "  doth  utter  more  heavy,  hard,  bitter  and 
minatory  speeches  against  me  than  against  any 
other."  ^  He  begged  to  be  aUowed  to  plead  his 
excuses  in  person,  but  when  at  last  he  obtained  an 
audience,  the  Queen  heaped  him  with  indignities, 
calling  him  "  traitor,  false  dissembler,  and  wicked 
wretch,"  so  that  he  again  withdrew,  until  he  was 
finally  induced  by  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  to 
return. 

If  Elizabeth  hoped  to  deceive  anyone  at  home 
or  abroad  by  such  conduct,  she  failed.  The 
character  of  Lord  Burghley  was  too  well  known 
for  it  to  be  supposed  that,  in  so  important  a 
matter,  he  had  acted  against  her  wishes.  Sir 
Edward  Stafford  describes  the  effect  of  her 
behaviour  on  opinion  at  the  French  Court : — 

"  I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  that  her  Majesty  continues  so 
offended  with  your  lordship.  She  does  herself  and  her 
service  great  harm.  I  assure  you  it  is  nuts  to  them  here  to 
hear  it ;  and  yet  for  that  respect  she  doth  it,  it  rather  doth 
harm  than  good,  and  particularly  her  evil  countenance 
to  you  that  makes  the  thing  less  believed  than  anything 
else  ;  for  all  that  she  can  do  cannot  persuade  them  here 
that  your  lordship  could  ever  be  brought  to  do  anything 
against  her  express  will.  Those  that  loved  the  Queen  of 
Scots  best  will  not  be  persuaded  that  you  have  advanced 
her  days  a  minute  more  than  the  Queen  willed,  nor  bear 
you  any  speech  of  evil  will  for  it."  ^ 

'  His  letters  to  Elizabeth  at  this  time  may  be  found  in  Strype's 
Annals,  II.  371 — 374. 

2  Stafford  to  Burghley,  April  4th,  1587  (S,  P.  France).  Quoted  by 
Froude,  XII.  356,  note. 

F  2 


68  THE   CECILS 

Burghley  still  endeavoured  to  exert  his  diplo- 
macy in  the  cause  of  peace,  but  his  efforts  were 
continually  thwarted  by  Leicester  and  his  party, 
who  longed  for  war  and  plunder.  When  war 
could  no  longer  be  postponed,  and  reports  of 
Spanish  preparations  caused  anxiety  and  alarm  in 
England,  he  remained  calm  and  confident.  "  His 
courage  never  failed,"  says  his  domestic  biographer. 
"  In  times  of  greatest  danger  he  ever  spake  most 
cheerfully,  and  when  some  did  often  talk  fearfully 
of  the  greatness  of  our  enemies  and  of  their  power 
and  possibility  to  harm  us,  he  would  ever  answer, 
'  they  shall  do  no  more  than  God  will  suffer 
them.'  "  As  usual  in  a  crisis  the  Queen  drove 
her  ministers  distracted  by  her  parsimony,  her 
irritability,  and  her  vacillation  ;  and  it  was  well 
for  the  country  that  a  man  of  Burghley's  imper- 
turbable composure  was  at  the  head  of  the  Govern- 
ment. The  lion's  share  of  the  work  of  organising 
the  defence  fell  to  him,  and  in  spite  of  constant 
illness — so  that,  as  he  wrote  to  Walsingham,  "  I 
have  no  mind  towards  anything  but  to  groan  with 
my  pain  " — he  was  engaged  in  unremitting  labour 
until  the  defeat  of  the  Armada  relieved  the 
immediate  strain. 

/  Shortly  afterwards  the  death  of  Leicester 
removed  his  life-long  rival.  Two  years  later 
Walsingham,  the  other  chief  member  of  the 
aggressive  party,  though  a  statesman  of  a  very 
different   type,  also   died,  leaving   Burghley  and 

'  his  friends  predominant  in  the  Council. 

Death  had  also  been  busy  in  his  family  circle. 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY  69 

In  March,  1588,  his  mother  died  at  Burghley 
House,  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven.  On  her  monu- 
ment in  St.  Martin's,  Stamford,  she  is  described  as 
"  a  very  grave,  rehgious,  virtuous  and  worthy 
matron,"  who  "  dehghted  exceedingly  in  the  works 
of  piety  and  charity.  She  was  crowned  with  much 
honour  and  comfort  and  by  God's  great  blessing 
she  lived  to  see  her  children  and  her  children's 
children  to  the  fourth  and  fifth  generation  ^  and 
that  in  a  plentiful  and  honourable  succession." 

A  few  weeks  later  he  lost  his  daughter  Ann,  the 
Countess  of  Oxford,  and  in  the  following  year 
((April  4th,  1589)  his  cup  of  sorrow  was  filled  to 
overflowing  by  the  death  of  his  dearly-loved  wife, 
with  whom  he  had  lived  in  uninterrupted  happiness 
for  forty-three  years.  Lady  Burghley  and  her 
daughter  were  both  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey 
and  Burghley  composed  a  long  Latin  inscription 
for  their  tomb.  He  also  wrote  a  very  interesting 
Meditation  on  the  Death  of  his  Lady,  which  is  still 
extant  ^ ;  much  of  it  is  taken  up  with  an  account 
of  her  various  gifts  and  charities,  which  she  kept 
secret  from  her  husband  during  her  lifetime.  The 
document  concludes  with  the  words  :  "  written  at 
Colling's  Lodge  by  me  in  sorrow." 

From  this  great  aflliction  Burghley  never 
entirely  recovered,  and    henceforward    a    certain 

1  This  is  an  exaggeration.  Her  eldest  great-grandson,  William,  son 
of  Thomas,  was  not  married  until  January,  1589,  so  that  there  were  no 
children  of  the  fourth  generation  at  the  time  of  her  death.  The 
monument,  which  is  of  white  alabaster,  13  feet  high,  has  figures  of 
Richard  and  Jane  Cecil  lineeling  at  a  desk,  with  their  three  daughters 
below. 

2  Among  the  Lansdowne  MSS,  at  the  British  Museum  (C.  III.  51). 


70  THE   CECILS 

melancholy  pervaded  his  mind.  His  incessant 
work  told  upon  him  more  than  ever,  and  once 
more  he  vainly  sought  permission  to  retire.  For 
the  last  ten  years  of  his  life,  however,  he  had  the 
help  and  loyal  support  of  his  son  Robert,  who  after 
the  death  of  Walsingham,  practically  undertook 
the  duties  of  Secretary,  though  he  was  not  form- 
ally appointed  to  the  post  till  1596.  Father  and 
son  worked  excellently  together,  and  were  on 
terms  of  absolute  confidence  and  affection.  And 
it  was  well  that  they  were  so ;  for  as  Burghley's 
infirmities  increased,  so  did  the  malice  of  his 
enemies  become  more  and  more  persistent.  In  the 
Council,  Essex,  on  whom  had  fallen  the  mantle  of 
Leicester,  followed  the  example  of  his  father-in- 
law  by  endeavouring  to  thwart  the  Cecils  on  every 
possible  occasion  ;  and  among  his  chief  adherents 
were  Francis  and  Anthony  Bacon,  whose  hostility 
to  their  uncle  and  cousin  was  bitter  and  un- 
scrupulous. 

The  country  was  still  torn  by  rehgious  diffi- 
culties. On  the  one  hand,  Archbishop  Whitgift, 
with  the  full  approval  of  Ehzabeth,  was  perse- 
cuting the  Puritans  with  a  severity  against  which 
Burghley  protested  in  vain.  On  one  memorable 
occasion,  when  the  two  leaders  of  the  Brownists, 
Barrow  and  Greenwood,  had  been  condemned  to 
death  for  sedition  (1593),  he  sent  a  reprieve  at  the 
last  moment.  "  No  papist  had  suffered  for  reli- 
gion," he  said,  "  and  Protestants'  blood  should 
not  be  the  first  shed,  at  least  before  an  attempt 
be   made   to   convince   them."     In   spite   of   his 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY  71 

efforts,  however,  Whitgift  and  the  Bishops  had 
their  way,  and  the  condemned  men  were  hanged 
a  week  later. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Jesuits  and  seminarists 
renewed  their  activity  and  their  plots  against  the 
Queen  and  the  constitution,  and  they  in  their  turn 
were  met  by  severe  methods  of  repression.  To 
these  intriguers,  who  were  repudiated  by  the 
secular  priests  and  the  Catholic  laity  in  England, 
Burghley  showed  no  mercy,  but,  as  he  says  in  a 
letter  written  in  reply  to,  and  quoted  by,  the  spy 
Standen,  only  those  who  professed  themselves  by 
obedience  to  the  Pope  to  be  no  subjects  to  the 
Queen  were  punished  by  death.  It  was  the 
political,  not  the  religious  offence,  which  to  him 
was  intolerable. 

In  spite  of  his  increasing  years  and  faihng  health, 
Burghley  continued  to  attend  to  the  business  of 
the  State  to  the  end.  His  letters  to  his  son  during 
the  last  four  years  of  his  life  tell  a  tale  of  un- 
impaired devotion  to  the  Queen  and  the  country, 
and  are  full  of  pathetic  humour.  In  December, 
1595,  he  writes  that  he  is  ready  to  attend  the 
Council,  but  must  presume  to  keep  his  chamber, 
"  not  as  a  potentate,  but  as  an  impotent  aged 
man."  But,  he  adds,  "  if  the  Queen  will  not 
mislike  to  have  so  bold  a  person  to  lodge  in  her 
house,  I  will  come  as  I  am  (in  body,  not  half  a 
man,  but  in  mind,  passable)."  He  is  obliged  to 
sign  his  letter  with  a  stamp  "  for  want  of  a  right 
hand."  He  is  fond  of  making  little  jokes  about 
his  health  :   "  I  am  but  as  a  monoculus,  by  reason 


72  THE   CECILS 

of  a  flux  falling  into  my  left  eye,"  he  writes  to 
Essex,  in  July,  1597,  and  in  October  of  the  same 
year,  in  a  letter  to  his  son,  "  I  am  worse  since  my 
physic,  being  now  /xovonovs  and  fxovoxeip  but  not 
monoculus."  On  his  seventy-seventh  birthday  he 
writes,  "  to  my  verie  lovyng  sonne  Sir  Robert 
Cecile  Kt.  .  .  .  Though  my  body  be  this  very 
day  at  the  period  of  iij^^'^xvij  years,  and  therefore 
far  unable  to  travel  either  with  my  body  or  with 
lively  spirits,  yet  I  find  myself  so  bound  with  the 
superabundant  kindness  of  her  Majesty  in  dis- 
pensing with  my  disabilities  as,  God  permitting  me, 
I  will  be  at  Westminster  to-morrow  in  the  after- 
noon, ready  to  attend  the  lords. — Your  old  loving 
father,  W.  Burghley." 

It  is  a  mistake  to  speak  of  Burghley  being  left 
alone  and  unfriended  in  his  old  age.  It  is  true 
that  he  outlived  the  friends  of  his  youth  and 
manhood,  but  he  was  a  man  of  strong  family  affec- 
tion— a  characteristic  of  the  Cecil  family — and 
rejoiced  in  the  company  of  his  children  and  grand- 
children. "  All  your  offspring  are  here,  merry," 
he  writes  to  Sir  Robert  from  Theobalds  a  year 
before  his  death,  and  the  numerous  children  and 
grandchildren  of  Sir  Thomas  Cecil  were  no  doubt 
often  with  him.  "If  he  could  get  his  table  set 
round  with  young  little  children,  he  was  then  in 
his  kingdom,"  says  his  domestic  biographer.  "  He 
was  happy  in  most  worldly  things,  but  most  happy 
in  his  children  and  children's  children.  He  had 
his  own  children,  grandchildren  and  great-grand- 
children   ordinarily  at    his    table,  sitting    about 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  73 

him,  like  the  oUve  branches  .  .  .  wherein  he 
would  many  times  rejoice  as  in  one  of  God's  great 
blessings."  The  last  letter  which  he  wrote  with 
his  own  hand  was  addressed  to  Sir  Robert  (July 
loth,  1598),  and  shows  the  Queen's  care  for  her 
old  minister  : 

"  Though  I  know  you  count  it  your  duty  in  nature  so 
continually  to  show  you  careful  of  my  state  of  health,  yet 
were  I  also  unnatural,  if  I  should  not  take  comfort 
thereby,  and  to  beseech  Almighty  God  to  bless  you  with 
supply  of  such  blessings,  as  I  cannot,  in  this  infirmity, 
yield  you.  Only  I  pray  you  diligently  and  effectually  let 
her  Majesty  understand,  how  her  singular  kindness  doth 
overcome  my  power  to  acquit  it ;  who,  though  she  will  not 
be  a  mother,  yet  she  sheweth  herself,  by  feeding  me  with 
her  own  princely  hand,  as  a  careful  nurse.  And  if  I  may 
be  weaned  to  feed  myself,  I  shall  be  more  ready  to  serve 
her  on  the  earth.  If  not,  I  hope  to  be  in  heaven  a  servitor 
for  her  and  God's  Church.  And  so  I  thank  you  for  your 
partritches.  Serve  God  by  serving  of  the  Queen  ;  for  all 
other  service  is  indeed  bondage  to  the  devil. 

"  Your  languishing  father, 

"  W.   BURGHLEY." 

The  end  came  on  August  4th,  1598.  The 
previous  evening  he  was  seized  with  convulsions, 
and  exclaimed,  "  Now  the  Lord  be  praised,  the 
time  is  come."  He  then  called  his  children 
together,  "  and  blessed  them  and  took  his  leave, 
commanding  them  to  love  and  fear  God  and  love 
one  another  ;  he  also  prayed  for  the  Queen  that 
she  might  live  long  and  die  in  peace."  He  lin- 
gered on  until  the  early  morning,  and  at  eight 
o'clock    passed    peacefully    away.     The    funeral 


74  THE   CECILS 

ceremony  was  performed  in  Westminster  Abbey 
"  with  all  the  rites  that  belonged  to  so  great  a 
personage,"  the  number  of  mourners  exceeding  five 
hundred  ;  the  body  was  then  taken  to  Stamford  and 
buried  in  St.  Martin's  Church,  where  between  the 
north  aisle  and  the  chancel  stands  a  fine  monu- 
ment to  his  memory/ 

To  the  Queen,  the  death  of  her  old  and  trusted 
minister — Pater  pads  patrice,  as  she  called  him  at 
his  funeraP — was  a  severe  blow,  and  on  hearing 
the  news  she  burst  into  tears.  She  had  treated 
him  as  she  treated  no  one  else,  allowing  him  to  sit 
in  her  presence,  and  saying,  "  My  lord,  we  make 
much  of  you  not  for  your  bad  legs,  but  for  your 
good  head."  She  used  to  visit  him  when  ill,  and 
would  hold  the  Council  in  his  chamber.  On  one 
occasion  the  story  goes  that  she  went  to  see  him 
at  Cecil  House,  wearing  the  high  head-dress  then 
in  fashion,  and  Burghley's  servant  requested  her 
to  stoop  on  going  through  the  door  :  "  For  your 
master's  sake  I  will  stoop,"  replied  the  Queen, 
"  but  not  for  the  King  of  Spain."  She  knew  how 
to  value  his  sound,  level-headed  judgment,  and 
shrewd  common  sense ;  and  no  doubt  she  appre- 
ciated him  all  the  more  because,  almost  alone 
among  her  councillors,  he  never  flattered  or  cajoled 
her,  and  never  used  his  position  to  gain  undue 
benefits  for  himself  or  his  friends. 

1  "  Many  kinds  of  marble  are  used,  and  its  colour  and  gilding  and 
excellent  state  of  preservation  make  it  one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  its 
kind  in  existence  "   {Victoria    County    History,    Northamptonshire,  II. 

528)- 

2  Goodman,  Court  of  James  I.,  I.  21. 


WILLIAM,   LORD   BURGHLEY  75 

He  has  defined  his  own  principle  in  dealing  with 
the  Queen,  where  they  differed  on  points  of  policy, 
in  a  letter  to  Sir  Robert  ^  : — 

"  I  do  hold,  and  will  always,  this  course  in  such  matters 
as  I  differ  in  opinion  from  her  Majesty— as  long  as  I  may  be 
allowed  to  give  advice,  I  will  not  change  my  opinion  by 
affirming  the  contrary.  For  that  were  to  offend  God,  to 
whom  I  am  sworn  first.  But,  as  a  servant,  I  will  obey  her 
Majesty's  commandment,  and  no  wise  contrary  the  same. 
Presuming  that  she,  being  God's  chief  minister  here,  it 
shall  be  God's  will  to  have  her  commandments  obeyed  ; 
after  that  I  have  performed  my  duty  as  a  counseller  ;  and 
shall  in  my  heart  wish  her  commandments  to  have  good 
success,  as,  I  am  sure,  she  intendeth.  You  see  I  am  in  a 
mixture  of  divinity  and  policy.  Preferring  in  policy  her 
Majesty  above  all  others  on  the  earth  ;  and  in  divinity,  the 
King  of  Heaven  above  all  betwixt  Alpha  and  Omega." 

In  the  end,  fortunately  for  England,  his  poHcy 
prevailed.  "  Vain  as  EHzabeth  was  of  her  own 
sagacity,"  says  Froude,  "  she  never  modified  a 
course  recommended  to  her  by  Burghley  without 
injury  both  to  the  realm  and  to  herself.  She 
never  chose  an  opposite  course  without  plunging 
into  embarrassments  from  which  his  skill  and 
Walsingham's  were  barely  able  to  extricate  her. 
The  great  results  of  her  reign  were  the  fruits  of  a 
policy  which  was  not  her  own,  and  which  she 
starved  and  mutilated  when  energy  and  complete- 
ness were  needed."  Finally,  then,  the  wonderful 
results  of  the  reign  of  EHzabeth,  on  which  the 
material  and   spiritual   progress   of   the   country 

1  March  13th,  1596  [Hatfield  MSS.). 


I 


76  THE   CECILS 

throughout  the  succeeding  centuries  was  to  depend, 
were  due  first  of  all  to  Burghley.  To  him,  despite 
his  limitations,  England  owes  a  debt  such  as  she 
owes  to  few  of  her  statesmen. 

Burghley  was  of  middle  height,  "  of  visage  well- 
favoured  and  of  an  excellent  complexion."  He  was 
of  a  gentle,  good-natured  disposition,  considerate 
to  his  inferiors,  hating  pomp  and  show,  and 
a  man  of  real  piety  and  devotion.  He  had  an 
extraordinary  capacity  for  work,  and  his  domestic 
biographer  states  he  "  never  saw  him  half  an  hour 
idle  in  four  and  twenty  years  together."  Yet,  in 
his  moments  of  leisure,  he  was  able  to  throw  off 
entirely  the  cares  of  business  and,  though 
temperate  in  food  and  drink,  was  so  "  pleasant  and 
merry  "  at  table  that  "  one  would  imagine  he  had 
nothing  else  to  do."  "  At  night,  when  he  put  off 
his  gown,  he  used  to  say  'Lie  there.  Lord  Trea- 
surer,' and  bidding  adieu  to  all  State  affairs, 
disposed  himself  to  his  quiet  rest."  ^ 

He  lived  a  simple  life  and  was  content  with 
simple  pleasures,  such  as  riding  about  his  gardens 
on  his  mule.^  "  He  seldom  or  never  played  at  any 
game,"  we  read,  "  for  he  could  play  at  none.  He 
would  sometimes  look  a  while  on  shooters  or 
bowlers  as  he  rid  abroad."  And  though  Elizabeth 
used  to  enjoy  hawking  and  hunting  at  Theobalds, 

*  Fuller,  Holy  State,  ed.  1841,  p.  253. 

^  One  of  these  animals  he  had  for  twelve  years.  "  A  beast  hardly  to 
bematchedfor  my  purpose,"  he  writes,  "  yet  now  both  the'  moyle  'and 
her  master  are  grown  very  aged,  and  therefore,  though  I  cannot  amend, 
yet  I  would  be  glad  to  amend  my  old  beast  with  a  new."  To  Sir  Ed. 
Stafford,  October  2nd,  1586  [Hatfield  MSS.,  III.  366). 


WILLIAM.    l.iiKI'    lURGHLEV,    K.G.,    KIl'lN',    dN    A    MILE 
From  the  pictare  in  the  Bodleian  Library 


WILLIAM,    LORD   BURGHLEY         ^7 

Burghley  took  no  part  in  such  sport. ^  He 
delighted  in  books  and  carried  Cicero's  Offices 
about  with  him.  He  is  said  also  to  have  enjoyed 
the  conversation  of  "  learned  men,"  but  he  was  no 
patron  of  literature  or  the  arts,  about  which  he 
probably  cared  nothing.  He  neglected  Spenser, 
who  revenged  himself  in  the  following  stanza  in 
"  The  Ruins  of  Time  "  : — 

"  O  grief  of  grief es  !     O  gall  of  all  good  heart es  ! 
To  see  that  vertue  should  dispised  bee 
Of  him,  that  first  was  raisde  for  vertuous  parts. 
And  now,  broad  spreading  like  an  aged  tree, 
Lets  none  shoot  up  that  nigh  him  planted  bee  : 
O,  let  the  man,  of  whom  the  Muse  is  scorned. 
Nor  alive  nor  dead  be  of  the  Muse  adorned  !  "  ^ 

And  the  only  man  of  letters  whom  he  patronised, 
so  far  as  we  know,  was  John  Norden,  the  topo- 
grapher, whose  idea  of  producing  a  series  of  county 
histories  would  naturally  appeal  to  his  tastes.^ 

Burghley's  charities  were  extensive.  He 
founded  a  hospital  at  Stamford  and  endowed  it  for 
the  maintenance  of  thirteen  old  men  for  ever. 
He  was  also  a  patron  and  benefactor  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge,  to  which  he  left  £30  per  annum 
as  well  as  plate.  He  bought  up  corn  in  times  of 
dearth  and  sold  it  at  low  prices  to  the  poor,  besides 

^  It  is  stated  in  the  Victoria  County  History,  Hertfordshire,  I.  345,  that 
he  was  "  a  keen  sportsman  and  hunted  in  Herts,"  but  the  evidence  all 
proves  the  contrary. 

"^  Spenser's  Poetical  Works,  Aldine  ed.,  IV.  304. 

8  See  Hatfield  MSS.,  IX.  255,  433,  whence  it  appears  that  Sir  Robert 
Cecil  refused  to  continue  his  patronage  after  his  father's  death.  One  of 
Norden's  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  has  corrections  in  Burghley's 
handwriting. 


78  THE   CECILS 

distributing  money,  clothing  and  food  to  those 
who  were  in  need,  both  at  Theobalds  and  in 
London.  The  amount  of  his  regular  charities  was 
computed  at  £500  per  annum,  a  very  large  sum  in 
those  days. 

His  property  at  the  time  of  his  death  was  less 
than  was  generally  expected.  "  Of  his  private 
wealth  there  is  but  £11,000,"  says  Chamberlain,^ 
"  of  which  ;f6ooo,  and  £800  or  £900  land  are  left  to 
his  two  nieces  of  Oxford.  His  lands  seem  less  than 
we  thought,  as  Mr.  Secretary's  share  will  bring  but 
£1600  a  year  at  most."  His  estates  included 
manors  in  the  counties  of  Northampton,  Rutland, 
Lincoln,  Essex,  York,  Herts,  Middlesex  and  Kent. 
Of  these  the  northern  property,  including  Burghley, 
was  left  to  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  with  the  exception  of 
the  manor  and  castle  of  Essendine  in  Rutland, 
which  together  with  Theobalds  and  the  remaining 
property  in  the  home  counties  descended  to 
Sir  Robert. 

'   Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  August   30th,    1598   (Cal.   S.   P.  Dom.). 


CHAPTER   V 

THOMAS    CECIL,    FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER 

At  the  time  of  Lord  Burghley's  death  he  had 
two  children  only  surviving — Thomas  and  Robert. 
Of  these  Thomas  was  afterwards  created  Earl  of 
Exeter,  while  Robert  on  the  same  day  became 
Earl  of  Sahsbury.  The  present  Marquesses  of 
Exeter  and  Salisbury  are  the  descendants  of  the 
two  brothers. 

Thomas  Cecil  was  born  at  Cambridge  on  May 
5th,  1542.  Of  his  youth  and  education  we  have 
no  record,  but  we  know  that  his  father,  to  use  his 
own  words,  "  never  showed  any  fatherly  fancy  to 
him  but  in  teaching  and  correcting."  ^  The  reason 
for  this  coldness  on  the  part  of  Sir  William  lay  no 
doubt  in  the  character  of  Thomas,  who  was  a 
sturdy,  healthy  boy,  with  strong  passions,  loving 
sport,  eager  for  a  military  career,  and  hating 
beyond  all  things  the  thought  of  a  studious  and 
sedentary  life.  He  incurred  his  father's  heavy 
displeasure  by  his  "  slothfulness,"  his  extrava- 
gance, his  carelessness  in  dress,  and  his  "  inordinate 
love  of  unmeet  plays,  as  dice  and  cards."  ^     That 

»  Letter  from  Sir  W.  Cecil  to  Throckmorton,  May  8th,  1561  {Cal.  S.  P. 
Foreign) . 

*  Cecil  to  Windebank,  September  loth,  1561  {ibid.).  The  letters 
quoted  in  the  next  few  pages  are  all  to  be  found  in  the  State  Papers, 
Domestic  and  Foreign. 


8o  THE   CECILS 

a  son  of  his  should  be  "in  study  soon  weary,  in 
game,  never  "  must  have  been  a  sore  disappoint- 
ment to  the  hard-working,  pleasure-shunning 
statesman,  and  when  Thomas  was  nineteen,  he 
determined  to  send  him  for  a  year  to  Paris  with 
his  tutor,  Thomas  Windebank.  The  English  Am- 
bassador, Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton,  offered  them 
the  hospitality  of  the  Embassy,  which  Windebank 
accepted  in  order  that  the  young  man  "  might 
learn  to  behave  himself,  not  only  at  table,  but 
otherwise,  according  to  his  estate."  Unfortu- 
nately, Thomas  had  other  views,  and  his  behaviour 
caused  his  father  and  his  tutor  grave  anxiety. 

Travelling  by  way  of  Dieppe  and  Rouen,  Winde- 
bank and  his  charge  reached  Paris  in  June,  1561, 
and  soon  afterwards  Thomas  was  presented  at  the 
French  Court  to  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  who  was 
pleased  to  say  that  "if  he  proved  as  wise  as  his 
father,  the  one  might  be  glad  of  the  other  ;  for 
though  she  had  never  seen  his  father,  yet  she  had 
heard  of  him,  and  did  not  let  to  say  that  the  Queen 
had  a  very  good  servant  in  him."  At  Court  he 
also  witnessed  "  a  terrible  battle  between  a  lion 
and  three  dogs,  in  which  the  latter  were  vic- 
torious." 

Sir  Nicholas  recommended  that  Thomas  should 
"  learn  to  ride,  to  play  the  lute,  to  dance,  to  play 
at  tennis,  and  use  such  exercises  as  are  noted 
ornaments  to  courtiers."  Such  advice  was  very 
much  to  Thomas's  liking,  and  he  proceeded  to 
amuse  himself  in  such  a  way  as  might  have  been 
expected  of  a  spirited  youth,  now  for  the  first  time 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       8i 

released  from  strict  supervision.  His  father  was 
suspicious  from  the  first.  Before  Thomas  had 
been  in  Paris  a  month,  he  writes  wishing  him  God's 
blessing,  though  "  how  he  inchnes  himself  to 
deserve  it,  he  knows  not."  He  complains  that 
he  receives  no  account  of  expenses,  and  exhorts 
his  son  to  "  begin  by  time  to  translate  in  French. 
Serve  God  daily.  Take  good  heed  of  your  health, 
and  visit  once  a  week  your  instructions."  He 
adds,  "  write  at  every  time  somewhat  to  my  wife," 
and  from  phrases  in  other  letters  we  gather  that 
one  of  his  causes  of  annoyance  was  that  Thomas 
sent  no  messages  to  his  stepmother. 

In  August  he  writes  to  Windebank  that  he  "  has 
had  a  watchword  sent  him  out  of  France  that  his 
son's  being  there  shall  serve  him  to  little  purpose, 
for  that  he  spends  his  time  in  idleness."  He 
threatens  to  call  him  home,  a  threat  which  is 
repeated  a  few  weeks  later,  when,  writing  on  the 
subject  of  expenses  (September  loth),  he  says 
"  Let  me  understand  if  the  default  be  in  my  son  ; 
for  if  I  see  him  so  untoward  and  inconsiderate,  I 
will  revoke  him  home,  where  he  shall  take  his 
adventure  with  as  mean  bringing  up  as  I  myself 
have  had.  Surely  I  have  hitherto  had  small  com- 
fort in  him,  and  if  he  deserve  no  better  by  well- 
doing, I  will  learn  to  take  less  care  than  I  have  done." 

In  the  autumn  Thomas  had  two  attacks  of  ague, 
and  was  rather  seriously  ill — a  circumstance  which 
provoked  not  a  word  of  sympathy,  or  even  acknow- 
ledgment, from  his  father.  On  his  recovery,  he 
settled  down  for  a  time  to  a  more  industrious  life, 

C.  G 


82  THE   CECILS 

if  we  are  to  believe  Windebank's  account  of  how 
he  spent  his  day. 

"  In  the  morning,  from  viii.  to  ix.  of  the  clock,"  he 
writes  (November  12),  "  he  hath  one  that  readeth 
Munster  ^  with  him  :  that  done,  he  hath  his  hour  to  learn 
to  dance,  and  in  these  ii  things  is  the  whole  of  the  forenoon 
consumed.  After  dinner  at  one  of  the  clock  he  goeth  to  a 
lesson  of  the  Institutes,  whereof  he  wrote  his  determina- 
tion himself  unto  you — persuaded  thereunto  by  my  Lord 
Ambassador.  Towards  iii  of  the  clock,  he  hath  one  that 
teacheth  him  to  play  on  the  lute  ;  wherein  (and  an  hour's 
reading  the  history  of  Josephus  de  hello  Judaico),  he 
bestoweth  the  whole  afternoon.  After  supper,  he  lacketh 
no  company  to  talk  with,  for  learning  the  tongue  that  way ; 
and  besides,  either  recordeth  on  the  lute  or  taketh  some 
book  in  hand.  This  is  presently  the  order  of  dividing  his 
time,  which  I  thought  my  duty  to  let  you  understand." 

However,  this  improvement  did  not  last  long. 
Sir  William  continued  to  receive  bad  accounts 
from  Paris,  and  became  more  and  more  angry 
with  his  son,  and  at  the  same  time  anxious  lest 
his  own  good  name  should  suffer.  In  one  of  his 
letters  he  writes  :  "Sir  Henry  Paget  returned  home 
with  great  commendations  and  fraughted  with 
qualities  ;  but  I  see  in  the  end  my  son  shall  come 
home  like  a  spending  sot,  meet  to  keep  a  tennis 
court."  In  another,  to  his  son,  he  sounds  a  deeper 
note.  "  Children,"  he  writes,  "  ought  to  be  as 
gifts  of  God,  comfort  to  their  parents  ;  but  you, 
on  the  contrary,  have  made  me  careless  of  all 
children — you  see  how  your  former  misbehaviour 
hath  filled  me  full  of  all  discontentation  ;  and  how 

1  Munster's  Cosmography. 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       83 

it  will  be  cured,  I  leave  it  to  Almighty  God.  I 
charge  you,  be  serviceable  to  Almighty  God  ;  and 
think  of  your  time,  that  yesterday  will  never 
return." 

In  March,  1562,  he  is  evidently  at  his  wits'  end. 
No  good  has  come  from  sending  his  son  to  France, 
but  "  discomfort  and  loss  of  money,"  and  to 
Thomas  "  shame  and  increase  of  lewdness."  He 
complains  of  his  extravagance,  and  after  remind- 
ing him  to  write  to  his  stepmother,  "  and  show 
yourself  careful  of  the  health  of  your  brother  ^  and 
sister,  wherein,  besides  the  satisfaction  of  natural 
love,  you  shall  acquire  your  mother's  good  will," 
ends  in  the  following  characteristic  manner  :  "I 
wish  you  grace  to  spare  yourself,  and  by  some 
virtue  to  recover  your  name  of  towardness,  being 
here  commonly  reputed  by  common  fame  fleeing 
from  thence,  a  dissolute,  slothful,  negligent  and 
careless  young  man,  and  specially  noted  no  lover 
of  learning  nor  knowledge.  These  titles  be  meet 
for  me  to  hear  as  thou  thinkest,  or  else  thou 
woaldest  procure  me  some  better  reports. — Your 
father  of  an  unworthy  son." 

This  was  followed  a  week  later  by  a  still  more 
pathetic  letter  to  Windebank,  which  may  be 
quoted,  since,  as  has  been  well  said,  "  it  shows 
the  man  more  clearly  than  reams  of  State 
papers." 

"  Windebank,"  it  runs,  "  I  am  here  used  to  pains  and 
troubles  :    but  none  creep  so  near  my  heart  as  doth  this 

1  Not  Robert,  who  was  not  born  yet,  but  an  infant,  William,  who 
died  within  the  year. 

Q  2 


84  THE   CECILS 

of  my  lewd  son.  I  am  perplexed  what  to  think.  The 
shame  that  I  shall  receive  to  have  so  unruled  a  son 
grieveth  me  more  than  if  I  had  lost  him  by  honest  death. 
Good  Windebank,  consult  with  my  dear  friend  Sir  N. 
Throckmorton,  to  whom  I  have  referred  the  whole.  I 
would  be  best  content  that  he  would  commit  him  secretly 
to  some  sharp  prison.  If  that  shall  not  seem  good,  yet 
would  I  rather  have  him  sent  away  to  Strasburg,  if  it 
could  be  possible,  or  to  Lorraine,  for  my  grief  will  grow 
double  to  see  him  until  some  kind  of  amends.  If  none  of 
these  will  serve,  then  bring  him  home,  and  I  shall  receive 
that  which  it  pleaseth  God  to  lay  upon  my  shoulders  : 
that  is,  in  the  midst  of  my  business,  for  comfort  a  daily 
torment.  If  you  shall  come  home  with  him,  to  cover  the 
shame  let  it  appear  to  be  by  reason  of  the  troubles  there. 
I  rather  desire  to  have  this  summer  spent,  though  it  were 
but  to  be  absent  from  my  sight.  I  am  so  troubled  as  well 
what  to  write  I  know  not." 

Poor  Windebank  had  lost  all  control  over  his 
charge,  and  on  April  26th,  he  w^rites  in  despair  : 
"  I  have  foreborne  to  write  plainly,  but  now  I  am 
clean  out  of  hope  and  am  forced  to  do  so.  Sir,  I 
do  see  that  Mr.  Thomas  has  utterly  no  mind  nor 
disposition  in  him  to  apply  to  any  learning,  being 
carried  away  by  other  affections  that  rule  him,  so 
as  it  maketh  him  forget  his  duty  in  all  things." 
He  begs  Cecil  to  recall  his  son  to  England  and 
desires  that  he  may  himself  be  "  discharged  of  this 
burden  and  care,  such  as  he  never  had  the  like." 
"  For,  Sir,"  he  is  obliged  to  add,  "  I  must  needs  let 
you  know  (as  my  duty  constraineth  me)  that  I  am  not 
able  to  persuade  him  to  spend  his  time  better  or  to 
do  any  other  thing  than  he  Hketh  himself,  and  so  he 
hath  told  me  plainly,  and  so  indeed  do  I  find  it." 


THE   FIRST  EARL   OF  EXETER        85 

The  immediate  cause  of  this  outburst  may  be 
surmised  from  a  letter  written  by  Throckmorton 
to  Cecil  on  the  following  day,  in  which  he  desires 
him  to  write  to  his  son  to  "  check  his  inordinate 
affection  with  which  he  is  transported  towards  a 
young  gentlewoman  abiding  near  Paris,  which  the 
writer  and  Mr.  Windebank  by  their  admonition 
have  tried  to  dissuade  him  from,  but  in  vain. 
She  is  a  maid,  and  her  friends  will  hardly  bear  the 
violation  of  her."  He  urges  Cecil  to  recall  Thomas 
home,  or  to  send  him  into  Flanders,  and  his  kindly 
feeling  for  the  wayward  youth  induces  him  to  add 
a  hope  that  Cecil  "  will  judge  of  his  passion  as 
fathers  do  when  they  censure  their  sons'  oversights, 
committed  when  most  subject  to  folly  and  lost  to 
reason  ;  and  not  measure  his  son  by  himself,  but 
repute  him  as  other  young  men." 

Neither  Throckmorton  nor  Windebank  thought 
it  necessary  to  tell  Cecil  the  whole  truth,  which  was 
that  Thomas  had  actually  made  a  promise  of 
marriage  to  the  young  lady,  who  was  a  nun  in  an 
abbey  near  Paris.  It  appears  that  he  had  even 
planned  to  carry  her  off,  having  arranged  to  obtain 
a  couple  of  horses,  "  upon  credit  of  a  merchant," 
and  to  provide  himself  with  money  by  selling  both 
his  own  and  Windebank's  clothes.  He  defied  his 
tutor,  saying  that  he  was  sure  of  his  position,  and 
that  his  father  could  not  disinherit  him.  He  had 
in  fact  "  come  to  an  extremity  of  evil  meaning," 
and  Windebank's  anxiety  to  have  him  safely  back 
in  England  is  not  surprising. 

In  reply  to  his  appeal  Cecil  wrote  to  his  son 


86  THE   CECILS 

commanding  him  to  "  banish  his  wanton  lusts," 
but  he  ignored  his  tutor's  request  to  be  allowed  to 
resign  his  post,  and  altogether  refused  to  let 
Thomas  come  home.  His  injunctions,  however, 
evidently  made  an  impression,  and  Thomas's 
reply,  written  in  French,  deserves  to  be  quoted  in 
full  :— 

"  Mon  tres  honore  seignour  et  pere, — 

Vos  lettres  m'ont  apportes  tant  de  facherie,  que 
rien  plus  :  par  lesquelles  j'entend  que  vous  estes  fort 
corrusee  centre  moy — estant  adverty  que  j 'employe  mon 
temps  en  poursuivant  les  vanites  d'amour.  Come  je  suis 
bien  marry  que  vous  entendres  chooses  de  m.oy  qui  sont 
tant  a  mon  desavantage  (et  d'avanture  beaucoup  plus 
qu'ilz  sont),  ainsi,  je  ne  puis  excuser  en  tout  :  mais  come 
je  suis  junne,  ainsi  il  fault  que  je  confesse  que  je  suis  subjett 
a  les  affections  qui  gouvernent  quelque  fois  ceux  qui  sont 
junnes.  Pourtant,  de  paour  de  vous  facher  trop  avec  ma 
longue  et  facheuse  lettre  :  et  que  vous  ne  penses  que,  en 
usant  beaucoup  de  parolles,  je  sercherois  de  vous  deguiser 
le  mattier,  je  vous  supplie  bien,  humblement  de  me  donner 
vostre  benediction  !  Si,  par  le  passe,  j'ay  mis  en  oublie 
mon  devoir,  je  vous  promette  de  me  mestre  en  paine, 
doresnevant,  de  me  monstrer,  en  tout,  prest  de  vous 
obeir  :  priant  le  Creatur  vous  avoir  tousjours  en  sa  divine 
garde.     Votre  tres  humble,  et  filz  tresobeissant. 

"  Thomas  Cecil." 

How  far  these  admirable  sentiments  were 
genuine  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  the  immediate 
danger  at  any  rate  was  averted,  and  after  this  an 
improvement  certainly  took  place  in  Thomas's 
behaviour.  Windebank  took  him  to  Dammart, 
twenty  miles  from   Paris,   for  the  summer,   and 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       87 

early  in  August  the  intervention  of  England  in  the 
French  war  of  religion,  and  the  news  of  the  occupa- 
tion of  Havre,  compelled  them  to  leave  France 
secretly  and  make  their  way  to  Antwerp.  In 
announcing  this  step  to  Sir  William,  Windebank 
takes  occasion  to  hope  that  he  "  will  like  Mr. 
Thomas's  personage  and  behaviour  better  than  in 
times  past,  and  that  his  little  folly  past  will 
increase  him  in  wisdom." 

At  Antwerp  the  travellers  were  hospitably 
entertained  by  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  the  English 
agent,  whose  opinion  of  young  Cecil  must  also  have 
comforted  his  father.  "  Without  flattery,"  he 
wrote,  "  you  have  as  handsome  a  man  to  your  son, 
and  as  toward  and  inclined  to  all  virtue,  as  your 
own  heart  can  desire."  Sir  William,  however,  did 
not  wish  to  see  his  son  at  present  "  for  indeed  the 
wound  is  yet  too  green  for  me  to  behold  him,"  and 
after  a  short  stay  in  Antwerp,  Windebank  and  his 
charge  proceeded  to  Germany,  visiting  Spires, 
Heidelberg,  Frankfurt,  Marburg,  Leipzig  and 
other  places,  and  making  the  acquaintance  of  the 
Elector  Palatine,  and  many  other  German  poten- 
tates. At  Frankfurt,  in  October,  they  witnessed 
the  assembling  of  the  Princes  for  the  Diet — the 
Elector  of  Saxony  with  500  horse,  the  Duke  of 
Wiirtemberg  with  300  ;  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  with 
500  ;  the  Duke  of  Cleves  with  600  ;  the  Palatine 
with  600 ;  "  and  the  Emperor's  train  with  his  sons 
is  said  to  be  5,000  horse." 

In  December  Windebank  received  a  letter  from 
his  master,  thanking  him  for  his  "  continual  care 


88  THE   CECILS 

towards  my  son  "  and  expressing  a  wish  that  he 
"  were  out  of  Germany,  and  might  see  Italy,  and 
pass  by  the  Helvetians,  and  to  Geneva.  Marry, 
I  wish  you  to  have  good  regard  to  pass  as  unknown 
as  you  may,  because  of  the  malice  that  I  know  the 
papists  owe  me  ;  and  could  be  content  to  avenge 
the  same  in  my  son.  My  meaning  is  that,  since  my 
son  is  abroad,  he  should  see  all  things  requisite,  for 
I  do  mean  at  his  return  to  move  him  to  marry,  and 
then  to  plant  him  at  home."  Windebank,  how- 
ever, thought  that  Italy  would  be  dangerous,  "  by 
reason  of  the  enticements  to  pleasure  and  wanton- 
ness there,"  and  thought  it  better  to  pass  the  winter 
at  Strasburg,  where  poor  Thomas's  "  daily  exer- 
cise "  was  to  hear  a  sermon  in  the  French  church, 
that  he  "  might  profit  in  the  French  tongue  and 
in  goodness  also." 

By  this  time  they  were  both  longing  to  be 
home  :  Thomas  bored  beyond  measure,  and 
begging  to  be  allowed  to  return  and  "  see  the  war, 
which  would  be  most  agreeable  to  him  "  ;  and  his 
tutor  urging  that  "  for  qualities  commonly  com- 
mended in  gentlemen,  Germany  is  not  the  place  to 
obtain  them."  At  last  Windebank,  moved  by  the 
state  of  Thomas's  health,  which  was  far  from 
satisfactory,  and  by  the  dangers  to  which  he  was 
exposed  owing  to  the  "  looseness  in  religion  with 
corruption  of  manners  that  reign  in  those  parts," 
decided  in  consultation  with  Henry  Knollys,  who 
was  with  them,  to  come  home,  whether  he  had 
permission  or  not.  What  reception  Thomas  met 
with  from  his  father  we  do  not  know,  but  the 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       89 

experience  of  these  two  years  is  enough  to  account 
for  Lord  Burghley's  prejudice  against  foreign 
travel.  In  his  famous  Precepts,  addressed  to 
Sir  Robert,  he  warns  him  not  to  allow  his  sons  to 
travel,  for  if  by  so  doing  "  they  get  a  few  broken 
languages,  that  shall  profit  them  nothing  more 
than  to  have  one  meat  served  in  divers  dishes." 
And  we  are  told  that  in  his  old  age,  if  anyone 
came  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council  for  a  licence  to 
travel,  "  he  would  first  examine  him  of  England, 
and  if  he  found  him  ignorant  would  bid  him  stay 
at  home  and  know  his  own  country  first."  ^ 

Thomas  Cecil  returned  to  England  in  the  Spring 
of  1563,  and  took  his  seat  in  Parliament  as  member 
for  the  borough  of  Stamford,  which  place  he 
represented  till  1576.  In  the  following  year 
(November  27th,  1564)  he  married  Dorothy 
Neville,  one  of  the  daughters  and  co-heirs  of 
John  Neville,  Lord  Latimer.  The  marriage  had 
been  strongly  advocated  by  Sir  Henry  Percy, 
afterwards  Earl  of  Northumberland,  who  had 
married  Catherine  Neville,  the  eldest  daughter. 
In  a  letter  to  Sir  William  Cecil "  he  gives  an  alluring 
description  of  the  first  Countess  of  Exeter  at  the 
age  of  fifteen.  He  has  made,  he  says,  "  some  trial 
of  the  conversation  of  the  young  woman  :  which 
I  assure  you  is  so  good  and  vertuous,  as  hard  it  is 
to  find  such  a  spark  of  youth  in  this  realm.  For 
both  is  she  very  wise,  sober  of  behaviour,  womanly 

1  Peacham's  Compleat  Gentleman. 

"^  January  21st,  1561-2.  Printed  in  Burgon's  Life  of  Sir  T.  Gresham, 
I-  451- 


go  THE   CECILS 

and  in  her  doings  so  temperate  as  if  she  bare  the 
age  double  her  years  ;  of  stature  hke  to  be  goodly  ; 
and  of  beauty  very  well.  Her  hair  brown,  yet  her 
complexion  very  fair  and  clear  ;  the  favour  of  her 
face  everybody  may  judge  it  to  have  both  grace 
and  wisdom.  Sir,  although  it  be  a  dangerous 
matter  thus  much  to  write  of  a  young  woman,  yet 
do  I  assure  you  I  have  said  nothing  more  than  she 
deserveth."  ^ 

The  young  couple  settled  down  to  a  quiet 
domestic  life  at  Wimbledon,  and  afterwards  at 
Burghley,  and  for  several  years  we  hear  no  more 
of  them,  beyond  the  bare  announcement  of  the 
birth  of  their  numerous  children. 

In  1569  Cecil  took  part  as  a  volunteer  in  the 
suppression  of  the  Northern  Rebellion,  and  gained 
the  favour  of  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  the  Commander- 
in-Chief.  Again,  in  1573,  he  served  as  a  volunteer 
in  the  expedition  which  was  sent  into  Scotland 
under  Sir  W.  Drury  to  the  assistance  of  the  Earl 
of  Murray,  and  was  present  at  the  siege  of  the 
Castle   of  Edinburgh.     Two  years  later,   on  the 

^  By  this  marriage  Thomas  Cecil  obtained  the  manor  of  North 
Crawley,  Bucks,  part  of  the  ancient  barony  of  Bedford,  in  virtue  of  the 
possession  of  which  he  officiated  as  Grand  Almoner  at  the  coronation 
of  James  I.  Thus,  as  Mr.  Oswald  Barron  has  pointed  out,  the  connec- 
tion of  the  Marquesses  of  Exeter  with  the  "  stately  sinecure  of  the 
Grand  Almonership  "  is  territorial  only.  "  Originally  vested  in  the 
Beauchamps  of  Bedford,  it  was  held  by  the  earlier  Lords  Latimer,  in 
co-heirship  with  others.  From  the  later  Lords  Latimer,  who,  though 
not  their  descendants,  inherited  a  portion  of  the  Beauchamp  fief,  some 
of  the  old  lands  passed  by  marriage  to  the  first  Earl  of  Exeter,  who  was 
appointed  as  Lord  Burghley  from  among  their  holders,  to  officiate  at 
the  Coronation  of  James  I.  since  when  the  Earls  have  been  similarly 
selected  by  the  Crown  at  certain  coronations  "  {Northamptonshire 
Families,  p.  24). 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       91 

occasion  of  Elizabeth's  memorable  visit  to  Kenil- 
worth,  Thomas  Cecil  took  an  active  part  in  the 
masques  and  pageants  which  were  enacted,  and 
was  among  those  who  received  the  honour  of 
knighthood.  He  again  distinguished  himself  in 
the  tournaments  and  the  entertainments  which 
were  held  in  honour  of  the  Duke  of  Alengon's  visit 
to  England  in  1581,  as  a  suitor  for  the  Queen's 
hand.  He  was  a  strong  supporter  of  the  marriage, 
and  in  the  previous  year  he  had  addressed  a  long 
letter  to  the  Queen,  containing  an  elaborate 
analysis  of  the  troubles  likely  to  ensue  if  the 
marriage  were  broken  off,  and  the  best  means  to 
divert  these  perils.  At  the  same  time  he  assured 
her  that  finding  that  she  no  longer  inclined  to  the 
marriage,  "  he  is  also  in  conscience  and  duty  per- 
suaded to  yield  to  the  way  that  may  best  please 
her,  not  because  he  thinks  it  best  for  her,  for  with 
his  hands  and  heart  he  will  defend  while  he  lives 
her  marriage,  to  be  her  only  security  at  home  and 
abroad,  but  because  he  is  so  faithfully  addicted 
to  her  service  that  he  will  spend  his  blood  not 
only  in  that  which  he  thinks  best  for  her,  but  in 
any  other  thing  that  she  herself  would  have 
done.  For  himself,"  he  concludes,  "  he  humbly 
beseeches  her  Majesty  that  he  may  be  the  first  man 
to  be  employed  to  spend  his  blood  in  her  service  in 
the  place  where  she  thinks  her  first  peril  to  be,  with- 
out exception  of  persons,  time,  place  or  matter."  ^ 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  II.  308-10,  January  28th,  1580.  This  letter  has  been 
supposed  to  be  the  work  of  Lord  Burghley,  for  no  reason  whatever, 
except  that  detractors  of  Sir  Thomas  consider  him  incapable  of  having 
written  it. 


92  THE   CECILS 

This  spirited  outburst,  so  unlike  the  conventional 
addresses  which  the  Queen  was  accustomed  to 
receive  from  her  courtiers,  displays  the  character 
of  the  writer — a  brave  and  unaffected  man  of 
action,  out  of  place  in  Courts,  but  with  all  the 
finest  instincts  of  a  soldier.  That  he  was  highly 
thought  of  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  1585,  when 
Leicester  was  about  to  be  employed  in  the  Nether- 
lands, he  wrote  to  Burghley  asking  that  "  if  her 
Majesty  command  my  service,  I  may  have  your 
good  will  for  my  cousin.  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  to  have 
his  company."  ^  This  request  was  granted  and  on 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  with  the  States  of 
Holland  in  August,  1585,  Sir  Thomas  was  appointed 
Governor  of  the  Brill,  one  of  the  cautionary  towns 
placed  as  pledges  in  English  hands,  an  office  which 
he  resigned  in  1587.  Both  he  and  his  brother 
Robert  are  said  to  have  served  as  volunteers  on 
board  the  fleet  which  defeated  the  Armada  in  the 
following  year,  but  no  direct  evidence  of  this 
statement  has  been  found. 

Meanwhile,  at  home,  he  had  been  High  Sheriff 
of  Northamptonshire,  in  1578,  when  Fuller  tells 
us  that  his  father  "  would  not  have  him  excused 
from  serving  his  country  "  ;  and  in  the  Parliament 
of  1585  he  was  returned  as  Knight  of  the  Shire  for 
the  county  of  Lincoln.  Twelve  years  later  (1597), 
he  represented  the  same  county,  but  in  the 
Parliament  of  1593  he  was  elected  member  for 
Northamptonshire. 

His  family  now  consisted  of  five  sons  and  six 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  III.  io8. 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER      93 

daughters  ;  two  more  daughters  died  in  infancy. 
Of  the  sons,  WilHam,  the  eldest,  succeeded 
his  father  as  second  Earl  of  Exeter  ;  Richard 
was  already  (1587)  member  of  Parliament  for 
Peterborough ;  Edward,  afterwards  Viscount  Wim- 
bledon, was  serving  in  the  Low  Countries  ;  and 
Christopher  and  Thomas  were  still  boys.  Lucy, 
the  eldest  surviving  daughter,  was  married  to 
Lord  St.  John,  afterwards  Marquess  of  Winchester,^ 
and  on  his  return  from  the  Netherlands,  in  1587, 
Sir  Thomas  wrote  to  Lord  Burghley,  to  inform  him 
of  the  expected  advent  of  his  first  grandchild.'^ 

Cecil  was  at  this  time  superintending  the 
building  operations  which  his  father  was  carrying 
out  at  Burghley,  and  in  the  same  letter  he  urges 
the  purchase  of  some  hangings  which  Pallavicini 
had  delivered  to  him,  and  offers  to  join  Burghley 
in  buying  them  and  to  pay  half  the  price  ;  "  rather 
than  your  Lordship  should  refuse  them,  being 
already  made  fit  for  the  rooms  here,  and  hardly 
to  get  the  like  hangings  as  the  times  are  now,  I  will 
strain  myself  therein."  He  adds  that  the  buildings 
are  going  on  very  fast,  and  hopes  that  next  year 
his  father  "  can  get  leave  to  see  the  perfection  of 
your  long  and  costly  buildings,  wherein  your 
posterity  I  hope  will  be  thankful  unto  your  Lord- 
ship for  it,  as  myself  must  think  myself  most 
bound,  who  of  all  others  receiveth  the  most  use 
of  it." 


1  Their   grandson  was   the   first   Duke   of   Bolton,  and  the  present 
Marquess  of  Winchester  is  their  direct  descendant. 
3  Hatfield  MSS.,  III.  276. 


94  THE   CECILS 

At  the  same  time  he  was  engaged  in  building  the 
great  mansion  at  Wimbledon,  called  Wimbledon 
Hall,  which  was  completed  in  the  following  year 
(1588).^  Of  this  building  no  trace  remains,  but 
it  must  have  been,  as  Aubrey  calls  it,  "a  noble 
seat."  Camden  says  it  was  Wimbledon's  greatest 
ornament,  "  as  pleasant  by  its  prospect  and  gardens 
as  it  was  stately  in  its  structure."  On  the  north 
side  a  series  of  terraces,  with  seventy  steps  in  all, 
led  down  to  the  park,  across  which  a  straight 
avenue  of  elms  led  to  Putney  Common.  The 
gardens  covered  twenty  acres  and  were  specially 
remarkable. 

The  Earl  of  Exeter  left  the  house  at  his  death 
to  his  son.  Sir  Edward,  who  afterwards  took  his 
title  of  Viscount  Wimbledon  from  it.  By  his 
heirs  it  was  sold  to  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  and, 
after  changing  hands  several  times,  it  was  finally 
pulled  down  by  Sir  Theodore  Janssen  in  17 17. 

By  this  time  Robert  Cecil — who  was,  it  must  be 
remembered,  twenty-one  years  younger  than  Sir 
Thomas — was  already  making  his  way  in  the 
political  world.  In  spite  of  one  or  two  differences, 
there  existed  a  very  real  affection  between  the 
brothers,  and  Sir  Thomas,  especially,  makes 
frequent  professions  of  his  love.  Writing  from 
Snape,  July  gth,  1595,  he  apologises  with  charac- 
teristic humility,  for  his  letter  as  "  not  much 
worth  your  reading,"  and  adds  "  I  can  grace  it 

*  The  manor  of  Wimbledon  did  not  come  into  his  hands  till  1590, 
when  it  was  granted  to  him  in  exchange  for  the  manors  of  Langton  and 
Wibberton,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln  {Hatfield  MSS.,  IV.  12  ;  and 
see  Gotch,  The  Homes  of  the  Cecils,  as  before). 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       95 

unto  you  with  no  better  a  farewell  than  to  assure 
you,  that  you  shall  never  find  friend  next  your 
father  and  your  wife,  that  shall  more  truly  love 
you  than  I  will,  and  upon  that  pledge  I  hope  I 
shall  be  assured  of  yours."  ^  Similar  expressions 
are  frequent  in  his  letters.  "  I  perceive  the  kind 
care  you  have  of  my  well-doing,  which  shall  every 
day  tie  the  knot  of  our  love  harder  and  harder.  I 
wish  in  all  your  private  and  public  designs  a  happy 
event,  and  your  life  long  and  happy  to  do  her 
Majesty  and  your  country  service."^  Again,  "I 
think  you  happy  for  your  great  and  honourable 
fortune,  and  happier  that  the  Lord  has  given  you 
grace  of  judgment  so  to  use  it  as  to  carry  as  much 
love  and  reputation,  and  as  little  envy  as  ever 
councillor  had  in  any  time."^  Such  phrases, 
coming  from  such  a  man  as  Sir  Thomas,  who 
despised  the  conventional  language  of  flattery 
common  at  the  time,  do  equal  credit  to  both 
brothers,  though  here  as  in  other  cases  the  char- 
acter of  Sir  Robert  is  much  less  easy  to  understand. 
Sir  Thomas  seems  to  have  felt  no  jealousy  at  the 
rapid  promotion  of  his  younger  brother  in  the 
political  world,  but  he  occasionally  grumbles  that 
he  receives  no  advancement  himself.  Thus  on  the 
death  of  Sir  Thomas  Heneage,  in  October,  1595, 
when  a  most  indecent  scramble  took  place  for  the 
many  lucrative  offices  he  held,''  poor  Sir  Thomas 

1  Hatfield  MSS.,  V.  273. 

2  September  2nd,  1599  {ibid.,  IX.  345). 

3  July  2ist,  1601  [Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 

*  Sir  Robert  was  one  of  the  chief  offenders.     In  sending  him  the 
patent  for  the  "  Clerkship  of  Sarum,"  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury  nientionR 


96  THE   CECILS 

writes :  "  The  hope  of  that  whereof  you  write  unto 
me  promiseth  Httle  assurance  ;  for  my  friends  are 
barred  to  speak  for  me,  my  enemies  strong  to 
dissuade,  her  Majesty  not  apt  to  give,  nor  I  to 
receive  so  small  advancement  as  perhaps  she 
would  allow  me  :  so  as,  to  conclude,  there  will  be 
no  such  office  void  by  his  death,  which  her  Majesty 
will  think  me  worthy  of,  that  I  would  take  in  place 
of  this  contentment,  I  sue  for  of  my  travail."  ^ 
Next  year  he  asks  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
North,  or  for  the  Governorship  of  Berwick,  and 
writes  :  "  If  my  friends  in  this  opportunity  speak 
not  for  me,  I  must  not  look  that  strangers  will, 
who  think  my  Lord's  greatness  a  sufficient  fortune 
for  me  to  look  for  somewhat,  and  as  for  my  own 
letter  to  her  Majesty,  it  hath  no  reply.  If  I  be 
forsaken  by  a  father  and  a  brother,  who  are  in  that 
place,  I  must  take  it  as  an  unkind  fortune.  Her 
Majesty  cannot  think  that  mj/  friends  have  been 
much  importunate,  or  partial  unto  me,  having  not 
all  this  time  moved  her  in  anything  for  me."^ 

Sir  Thomas  succeeded  his  father  as  Lord  Burgh- 
ley  in  1598,  being  then  fifty-six  years  old.  He 
inherited  large  estates  in  Northamptonshire,  Lin- 
colnshire, and  Rutland,  including  of  course  Burgh- 

that  he  had  asked  for  it  before  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  was  dead,  but  had 
requested  the  Bishop  to  conceal  his  request,  which  put  him  in  an 
awkward  position  when  several  other  people  (including  the  Earl  of 
Essex)  also  asked  for  it  before  the  death  of  Sir  Thomas.  However,  he 
told  them  the  office  was  not  in  his  disposition.  Sir  Robert  also  made 
efforts  to  obtain  the  Stewardship  of  Cambridge  and  the  Recordership 
of  Colchester  and  Hull  {Hatfield  MSS.,  V.  417,  433,  439). 

1  October  8th,  1595  [ibid.,  V.  401). 

2  July  2ist,  1596  (ibid.,  VI.  275). 


Photo  Emery  Walker 

THOMAS,    FIRST    EARL   OF    KXKTER,    K.G. 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       97 

ley  House,  completed  some  ten  years  before.  In 
addition,  he  still  possessed  Wimbledon  Hall,  where 
he  frequently  entertained  the  Queen, ^  though  her 
visits  were  not  an  unmixed  blessing  to  her  subjects. 
On  the  first  occasion  of  her  coming,  she  altered  the 
date  of  her  arrival  four  times,  till  Burghley  was  in 
despair,  complaining  that  "  her  Majesty's  so  often 
coming  and  not  coming  so  distempers  all  things 
with  me  as  upon  every  change  of  coming  I  do 
nothing  but  give  directions  into  the  country  for 
new  provisions  :  most  of  the  old  thrown  away  by 
reason  of  the  heat."  "  He  soon  perceived  that  it 
was  not  the  Queen,  but  his  father  who  had  stood 
in  the  way  of  his  advancement,  for  within  a  few 
months  of  his  succeeding  to  the  title,  he  was  con- 
stituted Warden  of  Rockingham  Forest,  and  Con- 
stable of  the  Castle  there,  for  life,  and  in  August, 
1599,  he  was  appointed  President  of  the  Council 
of  the  North,  and  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Yorkshire. 
He  took  up  his  new  duties  with  enthusiasm.  The 
Queen  urged  a  policy  of  greater  severity  towards 
recusants,  owing  to  the  "  notorious  defections  " 
in  the  north,  and  Burghley  had  soon  "  filled  a 
little  study  with  copes  and  mass-books,"  "  I  dare 
promise  her  Majesty,"  he  writes  to  his  brother, 
"  that  she  shall  be  obeyed  either  with  their  purses 
(I  mean  of  them  that  be  recusants),  or  with  their 
full  obedience  and  loyalty."  ^  His  measures  seem 
to    have  been  effective,  for  six  months  later  he 

1  See  letter  to  Lady  Guilford,  April  Sth,  1602  (Hatfield  MSS.,  XII.  99). 

2  Letters  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  July  17th  and  19th,  1599  [ibid.,  IX.  236, 
239). 

^  September  ist,  1599  {ibid.,  IX.  344). 

C.  H 


98  THE   CECILS 

writes  :  "  This  county  is  in  good  order.  I  doubt  not 
that  soon  eighteen  out  of  every  twenty  recusants 
will  come  to  the  Church.  In  the  worst  parts  of  this 
shire  I  hear  that  five  hundred  have  come  in  this 
three  weeks,  so  that  a  notable  papist  complained 
that  the  common  people  are  declining  from  them." 
Nevertheless  he  asks  permission  to  come  to  town, 
assigning  among  other  reasons  that  "  his  health 
requires  him  to  take  some  physic  this  spring,  and 
he  dare  not  trust  any  '  potycarye  '  in  this  town 
(York)  being  none  but  that  are  recusants."^ 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Lord  Burghley  built 
his  house  at  Wothorpe,  which,  says  Fuller,  "  must 
not  be  forgot,  (the  least  of  noble  houses,  and  best 
of  lodges)  seeming  but  a  dim  reflection  of  Burghley, 
whence  it  is  a  mile  distant.  It  was  built  by 
Thomas  Cecil,  Earl  of  Exeter,  '  to  retire  to/  as  he 
pleasantly  said, '  out  of  the  dust,  whilst  his  great 
house  at  Burghley  was  a-sweeping.'  "  ^  This  house 
must  have  been  of  considerable  size,  but  it  was 
dismantled  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
and  only  ivy-covered  ruins  now  remain. 

In  February,  1601,  Lord  Burghley  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  suppression  of  the  Essex 
Rebellion.  He  was  "  Colonel  General  of  the  foot  " 
and,  "  with  some  ten  horse  went  into  London 
and  proclaimed  the  Earl  of  Essex  a  traitor 
with  all  his  adherents,  by  the  mouth  of  the 
King-of-Arms,  notwithstanding  that  my  Lord 
of    Essex   with    all   his    complices   were   in   the 

1  March  ist,  1600  [Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  48). 

2  Fnller's  Worthies,  ed.  1840,  II.  499. 


THE   FIRST   EARL   OF   EXETER       99 

city."^     On   the   26th   of  May  following  he  was 
installed  at  Windsor  a  Knight  of  the  Garter. 

On   the   death   of   Elizabeth,    Burghley   enter- 
tained the  new  King  on  his  progress  to  London, 
first  for  two   days    at  York,   and  afterwards  at 
Burghley,  "  where  his  Highness  with  all  his  train 
were  received  with  great  magnificence,  the  house 
seeming  as  rich,  as  if  it  had  been  furnished  at  the 
charges  of  an  Emperor."  ^     A  fortnight  later  (May 
loth,  1603)  the  King  held  his  first  Privy  Council  at 
the  Charterhouse,  and  Lord  Burghley  was  sworn  a 
member    of    the    Council    and    appointed    Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Northamptonshire.    In  the  following 
January  he  was  offered  an  earldom,  which,  how- 
ever,   he   refused,   for  reasons   explained  in   the 
following  letter  to  Sir  John  Hobart,  the  Attorney- 
General  (January  12th,  1604).     "  Your  letter,"  he 
says,  "  found  me  in  such  estate,  as  rather  I  desired 
three  days'  ease  of  pain,  than  to  delight  to  think  of 
any  title  of  honour.     I  am  resolved  to  content 
myself  with  this  estate  I  have  of  a  Baron.     And 
my  present  estate  of  living,  howsoever  those  of 
the  world  hath  enlarged  it,  I  find  little  enough  to 
maintain  the  degree  I  am  in.     And  I  am  sure  they 
that  succeed  me  will  be  less  able  to  maintain  it 
than  I  am,  considering  there  will  go  out  of  the 
baronage  three  younger  brothers'   livings.     This 
is  all  I  can  write  unto  you  at  this  time  being  full 
of  pain  :   and  therefore  you  must  be  content  with 

1  Sir  Robert  Cecil  to   Sir  G.   Carew,   February    loth,    1601    (Birch, 
Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of  Elizabeth.  II.  469). 
^  Nichols,  Progresses  of  James  I.,  I.  95. 

H    2 


100  THE   CECILS 

this  my  brief  writing.  And  I  give  you  my  very 
hearty  thanks  for  your  good  wishes,  and  think 
myself  beholding  to  those  my  friends  that  had 
care  of  me  therein." 

In  spite  of  this  decision,  however,  Burghley 
withdrew  his  refusal  in  the  following  year,  and  on 
May  4th,  1605,  was  created  Earl  of  Exeter.^ 

From  this  time  onward  the  Earl  appears  to  have 
led  a  retired  life  at  Burghley  or  Wimbledon.  We 
hear  of  his  being  present  at  the  ceremony  when 
Prince  Henry  was  created  Prince  of  Wales,  and  his 
name  appears  as  a  witness  to  the  patent,  dated 
May  30th,  1610.  In  1616  he  was  one  of  the 
Commissioners  who  treated  for  the  surrender  of 
the  cautionary  towns  to  the  States  of  Holland,  and 
he  served  on  other  commissions  in  connection  with 
the  laws  against  heresies  and  other  matters  of 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 

The  first  Countess  of  Exeter  died  in  i6og,  and  in 
the  following  year  the  Earl,  then  aged  sixty-eight, 
married  Frances  Brydges,  daughter  of  Lord 
Chandos,  and  widov/  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  Master 
of  Requests  to  James  I.  The  new  Countess  was 
thirty-eight  years  younger  than  her  husband,  and 
younger  than  all  of  her  step-children  except  one. 
She  survived  until  1663,  and  we  shall  hear  of  her 
again  in  connection  with  the  feuds  between  her 
husband's  grandson.  Lord  Roos,  and  the  Lake 
family  into  which  he  was  so  unfortunate  as  to 

1  Robert  Cecil,  then  Viscouut  Cranborne,  was  created  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury on  the  morning  of  the  same  day,  and  was  given  precedence  of  his 
brother. 


THE  FIRST   EARL   OF  EXETER    loi 

marry.     The  last  few  years  of  the  Earl's  life  were 
overshadowed  by  these  and  other  troubles. 

The  unhappy  marriage  of  his  daughter,  Eliza- 
beth, the  young  and  beautiful  widow  of  Sir  William 
Hatton,  to  Sir  Edward  Coke,  the  Lord  Chief 
Justice,  reached  its  climax  soon  after  her  husband's 
disgrace  in  1616,  when  she  made  up  her  mind  not 
to  live  with  him  any  more  and  appealed  against 
his  tyranny  to  the  Privy  Council.  Her  misery, 
and,  we  may  be  sure,  that  of  her  father,  to  whom 
she  came  with  all  her  troubles,  was  increased  by 
the  marriage  between  her  daughter  Frances  and 
Sir  John  Villiers,  afterwards  Viscount  Purbeck, 
Buckingham's  elder  brother,  which  was  brought 
about  by  the  intrigues  of  the  bridegroom's  mother, 
backed  up  by  the  King.  Coke  was  bribed  by 
being  restored  to  his  seat  at  the  Council,  and  his 
wife's  protestations  were  of  no  avail. ^  In  addition 
to  these  misfortunes,  Lord  Roos,  Exeter's  grandson 
and  future  heir,  died  in  Naples  under  very  suspicious 
circumstances  in  1618  ;  another  grandson.  Lord 
St.  John,  son  of  the  Marquess  of  Winchester,  died 
in  1621;  and  most  grievous  of  all,  the  only  child  of 
the  Earl's  second  marriage,  a  daughter,  named  in 

1  A  full  account  of  this  disgraceful  transaction,  "  the  issue  of  which 
was  a  tragedy  hardly  inferior  to  that  which  sprung  from  the  marriage 
of  Lady  Essex,"  is  given  by  Gardiner  {History  of  England,  1603 — 1642, 
Vol.  III.,  Chap.  XXIV.).  Lady  Purbeck  deserted  her  husband  in  1621, 
and,  having  given  birth  to  a  child  in  October,  1624,  was  convicted  in 
the  High  Court  of  Commission  of  adultery  with  Sir  Robert  Howard. 
She  died  in  1645.  Another  grandchild  of  the  Earl  of  Exeter  got  into 
trouble  over  his  marriage.  This  was  the  son  of  Lady  Dorothy  Cecil, 
who  married  Sir  Giles  Alington.  Sir  Giles  (the  younger)  married  his 
niece,  and  was  fined  in  the  High  Court  ;/^32,ooo,  the  marriage  being 
pronounced  void  (April,  1631). 


102  THE   CECILS 

the  register  of  her  birth,  "  Georgi-Anna,"  ^  died  in 
1621  at  the  age  of  five. 

The  Earl  died  in  February,  1623,  at  the  age  of 
eighty,  and  was  bnried  by  the  side  of  his  first  wife 
in  Westminster  Abbey. ^ 

Though  not  a  man  of  any  great  distinction,  he 
was  upright,  honourable  and  good-natured.  From 
his  portrait  we  should  judge  him  to  have  been  of  a 
kindly  and  humorous,  if  somewhat  hesitating, 
disposition.  James  I.  thought  much  of  him,  and 
after  his  early  escapes  he  seems  to  have  led  a 
meritorious  and  useful  life,  and  to  have  deserved 
to  be  called  "  right  pious  and  charitable."  Some 
years  before  his  death  he  converted  part  of  the 
old  palace  of  the  Bishops  of  Lincoln,  at  Liddington, 
in  Rutland,  into  a  hospital  called  Jesus  Hospital, 
which  he  endowed  for  the  maintenance  of  a 
warden,  twelve  brethren,  and  two  women.  He  was 
an  extensive  benefactor  to  the  town  of  Stamford, 
and  in  1612  he  granted  to  Clare  Hall,  Cambridge, 
lands  to  the  yearly  amount  of  £108,  for  the 
endowment  of  three  fellows  and  eight  scholars. 

1  Charlton,  Bvirghley,  p.  122.  She  was  born  at  Wimbledon,  the  Queen 
standing  sponsor.     The  pedigree  makers  name  her  "  Sophia  Anna." 

2  The  inscription  on  the  monument  in  the  Chapel  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  states  that  the  second  Countess  was  also  buried  there,  but,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  she  was  buried  in  Winchester  Cathedral. 


CHAPTER  VI 

EDWARD    CECIL,    VISCOUNT   WIMBLEDON 

Of  the  first  Earl  of  Exeter's  five  sons,  the  only 
one  who  distinguished  himself  was  Edward,  Vis- 
count Wimbledon.  Of  his  youth  or  education 
nothing  is  recorded,  until  we  find  him,  in  1594,  at 
the  age  of  twenty-two,  setting  out  to  travel  on  the 
Continent  with  his  elder  brother  Richard/  He 
was  in  Florence  in  1596,  and  was  entertained  by 
the  Duke,  Ferdinand  de'  Medici,  "  and  which  was 
an  extraordinary  favour  the  duke  gave  him  leave 
to  ride  his  own  horse,  and  at  his  departure  gave 
him  gifts  of  price.""  Later  he  made  his  way  to 
the  Low  Countries,  and  made  up  his  mind  to  serve 
under  Sir  Francis  Vere.  His  determination  is 
expressed  in  a  letter  to  his  uncle.  Sir  Robert,  dated 
February  9th,  1599,^  in  which  he  says :  "  My 
fortune  is  now  to  follow  the  wars,  having  had 
always  heretofore  a  disposition  thereunto.  .  .  . 
The  profession  I  have  taken  upon  me  wills  that  I 

1  Richard  Cecil,  of  Wakerley,  the  second  son,  was  born  in  1570.  He 
was  M.P.  for  Westminster,  Peterborough,  and  Stamford,  and  was 
knighted  at  Woodstock  in  1616.  He  acquired  the  manor  of  Wakerley, 
Northamptonshire,  in  161 8.  He  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir 
Anthony  Cope,  and  his  son,  David,  eventually  succeeded  as  third  Earl 
of  Exeter. 

^  Peck,  Desiderata  Curiosa,  I.  27. 

s  Dalton,  Life  and  Times  of  General  Sir  Edward  Cecil,  I.  15.  In 
the  Calendar  of  Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  31,  the  date  of  this  letter  is  given 
as  February  gth,  1599-1600,  instead  of  1598-9. 


104  THE   CECILS 

vow  myself  to  someone  that  will  protect  me,  (as 
all  men  of  the  like  profession  doth)  and  I  not 
knowing  to  whom  my  poor  service  belongeth  more 
than  to  your  Honour,  maketh  me  hope  that  your 
Honour  will  with  some  little  favour  help  my  poor 
fortunes  forward." 

As  usual,  Sir  Robert  responded  effectively  to  his 
nephew's  appeal,  using  his  influence  to  obtain  for 
him  the  captaincy  of  an  English  foot  company. 
Edward  expressed  his  deep  gratitude  for  his  uncle's 
"  extraordinary  favours  "  to  him  and  added,  "  I 
hold  it  honour  and  happiness  to  spend  my  life  for 
the  honour  of  the  house  ;  accounting  your  Honour 
the  house  as  the  principalest  part  of  it,  and  myself 
the  unnecessaryest."  ^  His  ambition,  however, 
was  to  be  a  cavalry  commander.  "  If  you  ever 
wish  to  be  a  soldier,"  Sir  Francis  Vere  told  him, 
"get  up  on  horseback.""  This  was  a  much  more 
difficult  matter,  for  there  were  few  troops  of  horse 
in  the  Low  Countries,  and  the  competition  for 
them  was  great.  But  Captain  Cecil  was  strongly 
supported  by  Vere,  as  well  as  by  his  father  and 
Sir  Robert,  and  in  May,  1600,  he  obtained  the 
command  of  a  troop  of  cavalry,  paying  £soo  to 
the  retiring  captain,  Sir  Nicholas  Parker.  A 
few  weeks  later  he  was  present  at  the  battle  of 
Nieuport,  and  distinguished  himself  in  a  decisive 
cavalry  charge.  After  this  there  was  a  lull  in 
the  military  operations,  and  Cecil  took  advantage 
of  it  to  return  to  England. 

1  July  i6th,  1599  (Hatfield  MSS.,  IX.  205). 

2  Dalton,  I.  37. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT   WIMBLEDON  105 

In  the  following  spring  he  married  Theodosia 
Noel,  daughter  of  Sir  Andrew  Noel,  of  Dalby, 
Leicestershire.  But  he  was  eager  for  active  work, 
and  in  July  he  volunteered  for  and  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  1,000  men  raised  in  London 
for  the  rehef  of  Ostend,  then  in  imminent  danger 
of  being  captured  by  the  Spaniards.  On  his 
return  he  was  knighted  by  the  Queen  at  Basing, 
the  seat  of  his  sister,  the  Marchioness  of  Win- 
chester, and  soon  afterwards  he  was  chosen 
member  of  Parliament  for  Aldborough.  Next 
year  Prince  Maurice  gave  him  the  command  of  all 
the  English  horse  in  the  Dutch  service,  though 
he  was  not  actually  raised  to  the  rank  of  colonel 
till  1605. 

Determined  to  lose  nothing  for  the  asking,  Cecil 
begged  Sir  Robert,  in  1602,  to  obtain  for  him  the 
post  of  President  of  Munster,  and  two  years  later 
he  again  appealed  to  his  uncle  to  appoint  him  to 
one  of  the  important  commands  vacated  by  the 
death  of  Sir  Francis  Vere,  who  was  Governor  of  the 
Brill  and  of  Portsmouth.  But  there  were  others 
who  had  far  better  claims  to  these  appointments 
than  Sir  Edward,  and  Sir  Robert,  though  always 
ready  to  help  his  nephew  in  any  legitimate  way, 
was  not  the  man  to  use  his  influence  unfairly  for 
the  benefit  of  his  family. 

Cecil  took  part  in  the  various  military  operations 
of  the  next  few  years,  and  gained  an  increasing 
reputation  as  a  brave  and  capable  soldier.  In 
1 610  he  was  appointed  general  of  the  English 
contingent  of  4,000  men  which   took  part  in  the 


io6  THE   CECILS 

expedition  to  Cleves  and  the  siege  of  Juliers.  His 
experience  in  the  Netherlands,  where  he  had 
assisted  at  the  sieges  of  Grave,  Sluys  and  other 
places,  had  made  him  proficient  in  everything 
connected  with  fortification,  and  at  Juliers  he  had 
plenty  of  opportunity  of  showing  his  skill  as  an 
engineer,  and  his  ability  as  a  commander.  Writing 
to  Lord  Salisbury,  Sir  Ralph  Winwood,  the  British 
ambassador  at  the  Hague,  who  had  himself  visited 
the  army  investing  Juliers,  says,  "  I  cannot  suffi- 
ciently represent  unto  your  Lordship  his  industry 
and  diligence,  and  how  by  his  example,  to  stir  up 
watchfulness  and  care  in  others,  he  doth  descend 
to  the  duty  of  a  simple  Captain.  If  anything  be 
to  be  desired  in  him,  it  is  this,  that  he  would  be 
more  respectful  of  his  person,  which  he  doth  often 
hazardously  expose  to  danger  ;  quern  saepe  transit 
casus  aliquando  invenit :  his  horse  this  week  was 
killed  under  him  by  a  shot  of  a  culverin."  ^  Other 
writers  bear  witness  to  his  activity,  his  reckless 
courage,  and  his  power  of  inspiring  enthusiasm  in 
his  men.  The  town  surrendered  on  August  22nd, 
after  five  weeks'  siege,  and  Winwood  declared  that 
though  the  honour  belonged  of  right  to  Count 
Maurice,  yet  for  his  part  he  would  attribute  the 
successful  outcome  "  to  the  diligence  and  judg- 
ment of  Sir  Edward  Cecil." 

For  the  next  few  years  he  passed  much  of  his 
time  at  Court,  where  he  stood  high  in  the  favour 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  who  sent  him  in  May,  1612, 
as  his  proxy  to  stand  sponsor  to   the  child  of 

1  Dalton,    I    1S3. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT  WIMBLEDON  107 

Count  Ernest  of  Nassau,  at  Arnheim.  The  tragic 
death  of  the  Prince  six  months  later  does  not 
appear  to  have  injured  his  prospects  so  far  as  they 
depended  upon  Court  favour,  for  in  the  following 
year,  after  the  marriage  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth 
with  the  Elector  Palatine,  Cecil  was  appointed  to 
accompany  the  young  couple  and  their  train  on 
the  journey  to  the  Palatinate,  in  the  capacity  of 
Treasurer,  while  his  wife  was  one  of  the  ladies  in 
attendance  on  the  Princess.  On  the  birth  of 
the  Elector's  first  child  the  King  sent  Sir  Edward 
and  Lady  Cecil  on  a  special  mission  to  Heidelberg 
to  report  on  the  health  of  his  daughter  and 
grandson. 

After  serving  in  what  Motley  calls  "  the  phantom 
campaign  "  of  1614,  he  remained  for  the  next  two 
years  with  his  regiment  at  Utrecht,  and  there  his 
wife  died  in  March,  1616.  "  I  must  confess  it 
inflicted  a  very  strong  sorrow  upon  me,"  he  writes 
to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  "  for  she  was  a  dear  and 
good  wife  to  me.  But  it  hath  pleased  God  to 
allow  me  patience  with  my  affliction,  and  accord- 
ing to  your  good  counsel  I  do  humbly  submit 
myself  to  his  pleasure."^  A  few  months  later  it 
was  already  rumoured  that  he  was  about  to  marry 
again,  the  lady  being  Diana  Drury,  who  was  the 
younger  sister  of  the  second  wife  of  his  eldest 
brother,  William,  and  was  said  to  be  a  good 
match,  having  £10,000  or  £12,000."  The  marriage, 
however,  did  not  take  place  till  February,  1618. 

1  S.  p.  Holland,  1616.     Quoted  by  Dalton,  I.  236. 

^  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  November  23rd,  i6i6  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 


io8  THE   CECILS 

In  the  same  year  he  again  made  efforts  to  obtain 
an  official  appointment,  first  as  Comptroller,  and 
afterwards  as  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lan- 
caster, but  in  spite  of  his  interest  at  Court,  he 
failed  in  each  case.  A  much  more  serious  dis- 
appointment awaited  him  two  years  later. 

On  the  outbreak  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  fol- 
lowed by  the  acceptance  of  the  crown  of  Bohemia 
by  the  Elector  Palatine,  the  hopes  of  the  Protes- 
tant princes  of  Europe  were  centred  on  James, 
upon  whose  aid  they  relied  to  prevent  the  conquest 
of  the  Palatinate  by  Spain.  Very  tardily  and 
grudgingly  James  gave  permission  for  a  small 
force  to  be  raised  for  this  purpose,  and  Sir  Edward 
Cecil  had  every  hope  of  being  appointed  to  the 
command.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham  had  pro- 
mised him  the  post,  and  the  King  was  favourable 
to  his  claim.  Unfortunately,  however.  Baron 
Dohna,  the  King  of  Bohemia's  Ambassador,  passed 
over  Cecil  and  other  applicants,  and  insisted  that 
the  troops  should  be  led  by  Sir  Horace  Vere,  the 
commander  of  the  English  forces  in  the  service  of 
the  United  Provinces.  On  receiving  this  infor- 
mation Cecil  was  furious,  and  his  anger  was 
increased  by  the  fact  that,  notoriously,  a  feud 
had  long  existed  between  Vere  and  himself. 
Moreover,  his  appointment  had  been  publicly 
spoken  of,  and  he  had  "  made  great  promises  to 
himself  and  his  friends."  ^ 

He  felt  himself  disgraced,  and  at  an  interview,  of 

^  R.  Woodward  to  F.  Windebank,  July  ist,  1620  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom. 
See  Gardiner,  III.  358  ;   Dalton,  I.  321  sqq.). 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT  WIMBLEDON  109 

which  full  accounts  have  been  preserved,  proceeded 
to  vent  his  wrath  on  Dohna.  After  expatiating  on 
his  own  services  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  Bohemia, 
he  complained  that  although  he  had  been  "  nomi- 
nated by  his  Majesty  for  the  present  employment, 
and  that  the  world  took  notice  of  it,  and  he 
(Dohna)  in  particular,"  yet  Dohna  had  waited 
until  he  knew  it  must  "  prove  a  dishonour  "  to 
him,  and  had  then  nominated  "  one  who  had 
never  done  the  King  of  Bohemia  service."  He 
went  on  to  say  that  while  he  knew  what 
was  due  to  an  ambassador,  he  hoped  he  might 
meet  him  one  day  in  another  place  or  in  another 
rank,  where  they  could  "  speak  upon  equal 
terms."  ^ 

Dohna  at  once  complained  to  the  King  of  the 
treatment  he  had  received,  and  James  sent  for 
Cecil,  who,  however,  had  gone  to  join  his  regiment 
at  the  Hague.  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  the  Secretary 
of  State,  therefore  wrote  to  Carleton,  the  British 
Ambassador  at  the  Hague,  instructing  him  to  tell 
Sir  Edward  that  his  Majesty  "  will  have  him 
acknowledge  his  fault,  and  ask  forgiveness  both 
of  his  Majesty  and  Baron  Dohna,  or  to  expect 
condign  punishment  from  his  Majesty  whenever 
he  shall  return  hither."^  Nothing  was  left  for 
Cecil  but  humbly  to  ask  "  pardon  of  his  Majesty 
and  of  the  Ambassador,  for  having  forgotten  what 
belonged  to   his   quality."^    With   this  apology, 

1  Dohna's  and  Cecil's  accounts  of  the  interview  are  printed  by  Daltoa 
from  S.  P.  Holland. 

2  July  20th,  1620  (5.  P.  Holland). 

'  Carleton  to  Naunton,  July  27th,  1620  {ibid.). 


no  THE   CECILS 

James  expressed  himself  well  satisfied,  and  so  the 
incident  ended. 

Sir  Dudley  Carleton  also  succeeded  at  the  same 
time  in  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  between 
Vere  and  Cecil,  thereby  greatly  increasing  the 
efficiency  of  the  English  army  in  the  Netherlands. 

Cecil,  with  the  Dutch  army,  accompanied  Vere 
and  his  regiment  as  far  as  Wesel,  where  he  had 
the  mortification  of  seeing  his  successful  rival 
march  off  to  the  seat  of  war,  while  he  himself 
remained  inactive  for  a  couple  of  months  within 
sight  of  a  force  of  6,000  Spaniards,  with  whom, 
owing  to  the  existence  of  a  truce,  they  were  on 
the  most  friendly  terms.  The  only  thing  of 
interest  connected  with  the  campaign  which  need 
be  recorded  here  is  the  fohowing  "  Military 
Rhyme  "  : — 

"  Some  say  Sir  Edv/ard  Cecil  can 
Do  as  much  as  any  man  ; 
But  I  say  no — for  Sir  Horace  Vere 
Hath  carried  the  Earl  of  Oxford  where 
He  neither  shall  have  wine  nor  cheer. 
Now  Hercules  himself  could  do  no  more."  ^ 

On  his  return  to  England,  Sir  Edward  was 
elected  member  for  Chichester,  and  took  his  seat 
in  the  Parhament  which  met  in  January,  1621. 
He  has  been  credited  with  a  fine  speech,  during 

1  Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  II.  208.  The  "  dissolute  and  reckless  " 
Earl  of  Oxford,  who  accompanied  his  cousin,  Sir  Horace  Vere,  to  the 
Palatinate,  was  the  son,  by  a  second  marriage,  of  the  Earl  who  proved 
so  bad  a  husband  to  Lord  Burghley's  daughter,  as  already  related.  He 
was  himself  connected  with  the  Cecils  through  his  marriage  with  Lady 
Diana,  Sir  Edward's  niece. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT  WIMBLEDON  iii 

this  session,  on  the  importance  of  granting  an 
immediate  supply  to  the  Palatinate.  This  speech 
was  published  under  his  name,  and  attracted  con- 
siderable attention,  but  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
that  it  was  a  forgery,  and  was  never  uttered  in 
Parliament  by  Cecil  or  anyone  else/  He  was  at 
this  time  a  member  of  the  Council  of  War,  which 
was  considering  the  best  means  of  securing  the 
safety  of  the  Palatinate,  and  no  doubt  he  lent  his 
name  to  the  pamphlet,  in  order  to  promote  what 
he  considered  a  good  cause. ^ 

The  session  was  a  stormy  one,  and  at  the  last 
sitting  before  the  adjournment  on  June  4th,  Sir 
John  Perrot  made  his  momentous  speech,  in  which, 
after  alluding  to  the  danger  in  which  the  true  reli- 
gion stood,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  recalling 
the  King's  declaration  at  the  beginning  of  Parlia- 
ment, that  "  if  the  Palatinate  could  not  be  re- 
covered by  treaty,  he  would  adventure  his  blood 
and  life  in  the  cause,"  he  appealed  to  the  House  to 
make  a  public  declaration  before  they  parted, 
"  that  if  the  treaty  failed,  they  would,  upon  their 
return,  be  ready  to  adventure  their  lives  and 
estates,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  cause  of  God, 
and  of  his  Majesty's  royal  issue." 


1  A  copy  exists  in  the  British  Museum,  and  it  is  printed  in  the  Cat. 
S.  P.  Doni.,  February  5th,  1620-1.  Professor  Gardiner,  who  was 
the  first  to  discover  that  it  was  not  authentic,  says  :  "  Whoever  was 
the  author,  the  speech  does  him  great  credit.  There  is  a  fine  ring  in 
its  language  from  beginning  to  end.  Nothing,  in  the  course  of  writing 
this  work,  has  been  more  painful  than  the  act  of  drawing  my  pen,  in 
obedience  to  the  laws  of  historical  veracity,  through  the  extracts  which 
I  had  credulously  inserted  in  the  text  "  (IV.  29,  note). 

^  Dalton,  I.  346. 


112  THE   CECILS 

As  soon  as  Perrot  sat  down,  Cecil  rose  and  said, 
"  This  declaration  comes  from  Heaven.  It  will 
do  more  for  us  than  if  we  had  ten  thousand  soldiers 
on  the  march."  The  motion  was  unanimously 
agreed  to  amidst  scenes  of  enthusiasm  such  as 
have  rarely  been  witnessed  in  Parliament.^ 

Cecil  continued  to  advocate  a  war  with  Spain, 
in  order  to  save  the  Palatinate,  but  James  still 
relied  on  Spanish  professions,  and  was  eager  for  the 
marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  to  the  Infanta  ; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  disastrous  visit  of  the 
Prince  and  Buckingham  to  Madrid  had  destroyed 
all  hope  of  that  alliance  that  a  breach  between  the 
two  countries  became  inevitable.  The  death  of 
James  in  March,  1625,  gave  Charles  and  Bucking- 
ham a  free  hand,  and  remembering  the  success  of 
the  Cadiz  expedition  of  1596,  the  first  adventure 
they  decided  upon  was  to  send  a  large  fleet  with 
10,000  men,  under  the  supreme  command  of 
Buckingham  himself,  to  raid  the  Spanish  coast. 

For  the  last  few  years  Cecil  had  spent  much  of 
his  time  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  had  taken  part 
in  all  the  most  important  military  operations.  He 
had  not  omitted  to  press  his  claims  to  advance- 
ment, and  his  opportunity  had  now  come.  On 
May  4th,  1625,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  wrote, 
informing  him  of  the  proposed  expedition,  and 
appointing  him  second  in  command  to  him- 
self. "  I  will  use  no  other  expression  to  you," 
his  letter  ends,  "  than  that  I  have  put  into  your 
hands  the  first  infinite  trust  and  pawn  of  my 

1  Gardiner,  IV.  128,  129. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT  WIMBLEDON  113 

goodwill  that  ever  I  had  in  my  power  to  bestow, 
which  I  have  done  with  confidence  and  affection."  ^ 
Cecil's  command  was  to  be  that  of  Lord  Marshal 
of  the  Army  on  board  the  fleet  and  Deputy  to 
Buckingham,  and  this  appointment  he  gratefully 
accepted,  at  once  setting  about  the  necessary 
preparations.  But  the  occasion  was  not  to  pass 
without  a  display  of  his  jealous  and  quarrelsome 
temper.  At  the  same  time  that  Buckingham  had 
written  to  him,  he  had  also  informed  Sir  Horace 
Vere  that  the  States-General  could  not  dispense 
with  his  services,  but  that  the  King  was  pleased  to 
create  him  a  Baron. ^  One  would  have  supposed 
that  Cecil,  having  been  chosen  for  so  high  a 
command,  though  junior  to  Vere,  would  have  been 
pleased  that  his  old  comrade-in-arms  should  also 
be  honoured  ;  yet  on  receipt  of  the  news,  he  wrote 
to  Buckingham  as  follows  : 

"  The  occasion  of  my  boldness  in  presenting  your 
Excellency  with  these  lines,  is  for  that,  contrary  to  my 
expectation,  I  hear  that  there  is  a  commission  a  drawing 
to  make  Sir  Horace  Vere  a  Baron  of  England.  It  is 
strange  to  me  at  this  time  to  hear  it,  for  that  I  know  not 
what  worth  there  is  more  in  him,  than  in  those  that  are 
equal  in  profession  and  before  him  in  birth.  If  your 
Excellency  have  made  choice  of  me  to  be  your  second  in 
this  journey  of  so  much  charge  and  expectation,  and  to 
make  me  less  than  I  was,  what  courage  shall  I  have  to 
do  you  service  ?  or  what  honour  will  redound  to  your 
Excellency  ?  But  although  I  write  it,  yet  I  cannot  beheve 
it,  for  that  I  know  you  of  that  judgment  and  nobleness 
that  you   will   rather   add    to    your    faithful    servants, 

1  Dalton,  II.  94. 

2  Ihid.,  II.  95. 

C.  I 


114  THE   CECILS 

although  they  beg  it  not,  than  to  disgrace  them  and  make 
them  less."  ^ 

Meanwhile  preparations  for  the  great  expedition 
went  forward,  but  it  soon  became  evident  that 
success  under  the  conditions  prevailing  was  more 
than  doubtful.  Money,  food,  clothing  and  stores 
were  all  deficient,  and  the  raw  recruits  who  were 
pressed  into  the  service  were  ignorant  of  even  the 
rudiments  of  drill  and  discipline,  and  no  attempt 
was  made  to  train  them.  The  officers  were  little 
better  than  the  men,  being  mostly  untried  and 
appointed  by  favour  rather  than  merit  ;  and 
the  ships  were  mainly  merchantmen  hastily  con- 
verted. The  expedition  was  unpopular  from  the 
first,  and  distrust  of  Buckingham's  intentions 
was  so  intense  that  Parliament  refused  to  grant 
supplies. 

Finally,  in  August,  Buckingham  very  wisely 
decided  not  to  command  in  person,  and  though  he 
still  absurdly  styled  himself  "  Generalissimo  of  the 
fleet,"  he  appointed  Cecil  to  the  supreme  command 
on  sea  and  land,  under  the  title  of  Admiral  and 
Lieutenant-General,  "  the  greatest  command,"  as 
was  said  at  the  time,  "  that  any  subject  hath  had 
these  hundred  years."  ^ 

When  it  is  considered  that  neither  Cecil  nor  his 
Vice-Admiral,  the  Earl  of  Essex,  had  any  experi- 

^  July  19th,  1625  (Dalton,  II.  108).  The  same  authority  records  a 
dispute  which  took  place  in  1622  between  Cecil  and  Sir  Edward  Vere, 
who  was  liis  second  in  command  in  the  absence  of  Sir  Horace,  and 
resulted  in  a  challenge,  the  duel  only  being  stopped  at  the  last  moment 
by  the  intervention  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  (II.  6,  note). 

2  Court  and  Times  of  Charles  I.,  I.  53. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT  WIMBLEDON  115 

ence  whatever  of  naval  warfare,  one  cannot  wonder 
that  some  surprise  was  expressed  at  the  appoint- 
ment. "  Would  any  man  take  upon  himself  the 
charge  of  a  general  by  sea,"  wrote  Admiral 
Monson,  "  that  had  never  passed  further  than 
between  England  and  Holland  ?  It  were  good  to 
know  whether  he  sought  the  employment  or 
whether  it  was  put  upon  him  against  his  will  ;  if 
he  was  led  upon  it  by  ambition  let  him  answer  his 
error  and  that  with  severity  ;  if  it  was  procured 
by  others  they  ought  to  have  the  same  chastise- 
ment."^ Cecil,  however,  was  not  the  man  to 
throw  away  so  splendid  a  chance  of  distinguishing 
himself,  even  had  he  known — as  apparently  he 
did  not — of  the  miserable  condition  of  his  ships 
and  men.  Before  the  fleet  sailed  he  had  realised 
that  an  enterprise  undertaken  so  late  in  the  year, 
with  unseaworthy  ships,  discontented  crews,  raw 
troops,  and  ignorant  officers,  had  little  hope  of 
success,  but  it  was  then  too  late  to  draw 
back. 

On  September  15th,  the  King,  accompanied  by 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  came  himself  to  Ply- 
mouth to  inspect  the  fleet  and  the  troops,  and  to 
endeavour  to  put  some  enthusiasm  into  the  officers 
and  men.  Buckingham,  who  was  still  sanguine, 
induced  the  King  to  announce  that  Cecil  was  to  be 
raised  to  the  peerage,  under  the  title  of  Viscount 
Wimbledon.^     He  seems  to  have  forgotten,  says 

1  Churchill,  Naval  Tracts,  III.  238.     Quoted  by  Dalton. 

2  Wimbledon  House  had  come  into  his  possession  on  the  death  of 
his  father  in  the  previous  year. 

I  2 


ii6  THE   CECILS 

Gardiner,  "  that  honours  granted  before  success 
has  crowned  an  undertaking  are  apt  to  become 
ridiculous  in  case  of  failure." 

And  from  the  very  beginning  failure  dogged  the 
ill-fated  expedition.  When  it  actually  sailed, 
early  in  October,  it  was  met  in  the  Channel  by  a 
violent  south-west  gale,  and  put  back  in  the 
greatest  disorder  to  Falmouth  and  Plymouth. 
Finally,  the  fleet,  consisting  of  seventy-six  English 
and  twenty  Dutch  vessels,  with  5,000  sailors  and 
10,000  soldiers  on  board,  put  to  sea  on  October  8th. 
The  object  in  view  was  to  destroy  the  King  of 
Spain's  shipping,  to  seize  some  important  Spanish 
town,  and  above  all  to  intercept  the  treasure-ships 
coming  from  the  West  Indies  and  the  River  Plate.^ 
But  no  plan  of  action  had  been  decided  upon,  and 
Cecil  throughout  proved  entirely  incapable  of 
coming  to  any  decision  whatever.  On  the  slightest 
provocation  he  called  a  council  of  war,  and  it  was 
not  till  the  fleet  had  arrived,  without  serious 
damage,  in  Spanish  waters,  that  Puerto  de  Santa 
Maria  in  Cadiz  Bay  was  selected  as  the  point  of 
attack.  The  operations  which  followed  might, 
under  more  favourable  circumstances  and  under 
less  incompetent  leaders,  have  been  crowned  with 
success.  The  Spaniards  were  unprepared,  and  the 
whole  garrison  of  Cadiz  consisted  of  300  men ;  and 
had  the  first  attack  been  followed  up  with  energy, 
the  town  could  not  have  held  out.  Instead  of 
this,  time  was  frittered  away  in  bombarding  a 
fort  and  in  marching  hungry  troops  for  twelve 

*  Glanville's  Voyage  to  Cadiz,  p.  32. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT  WIMBLEDON  117 

miles  in  pursuit  of  a  non-existent  enemy/  By 
this  time  Cadiz  had  received  strong  reinforcements 
and  "  was  apprehended  to  be  so  strongly  fortified 
that  it  was  not  to  be  carried  without  a  siege  "  ; 
moreover,  the  commanders  were  convinced  by 
experience  that  their  troops  were  unfit  for  any 
serious  enterprise  ;  and,  above  all,  it  was  time  to 
be  on  the  look-out  for  the  Plate  fleet."  The  troops 
were  therefore  re-embarked,  the  fort  evacuated, 
and  six  days  after  its  arrival  in  Cadiz  Bay,  the 
fleet  again  put  out  to  sea. 

Cecil  still  hoped  to  be  able  to  cover  his  ill-success 
by  the  capture  of  the  treasure-ships,  and  he  there- 
fore took  up  his  position  in  the  Atlantic  to  await 
their  arrival.  Unfortunately,  the  Spanish  fleet, 
having  heard  rumours  of  war,  had  taken  a 
southerly  course,  and  sailing  tip  the  coast  of 
Africa,  crept  into  Cadiz  Bay  two  days  after  the 
Enghsh  had  left.  Of  this  Cecil  was  ignorant,  and 
from  November  4th  to  17th,  his  foul  and  leaky 
ships  "  beat  it  out  at  sea,"  until,  battered  by 
storms  which  they  were  in  no  state  to  resist,  and 
with  their  crews  diminishing  daily  owing  to  the 
putrid  condition  of  their  food  and  drink,  they  made 

*  Cecil  was  himself  in  command  of  this  adventure.  Finding  that 
there  had  been  a  false  alarm,  instead  of  returning,  he  marched  on,  in  the 
hope  of  something  turning  up.  Meanwhile  most  of  his  men  had  had  no 
food  since  the  previous  day,  and,  finding  a  store  of  wine  in  some  houses 
near  where  they  halted  for  the  night,  they  threw  off  all  discipline,  broke 
violently  into  the  cellars,  and  very  soon  the  whole  army  was  raving 
drunk.  The  only  thing  to  be  said  for  Cecil  in  this  affair  is  that  he  had 
given  instructions  that  provisions  should  be  provided,  though  he  had 
omitted  to  see  whether  they  were  carried  out  (Gardiner,  VI.  i8,  19  ; 
Glanville,  pp.  59,  60). 

2  Glanville,  p.  56. 


ii8  THE   CECILS 

their  way  home  as  best  they  could.  A  succession 
of  gales  did  still  further  damage,  and  Cecil  himself, 
on  the  A^me  Royal,  arrived  in  Kinsale  Harbour  on 
December  nth,  having  already  lost  130  men  from 
disease,  and  with  160  sick  on  board.  The  rest  of 
the  fleet  suffered  as  severely,  and  it  was  many 
months  before  all  the  vessels  which  survived  found 
their  way  back  into  English  ports. 

So  ended  this  disastrous  enterprise,  which  was 
fitly  commemorated  in  the  following  lines  : 

"  There  was  a  crow  sat  on  a  stone  ; 
He  flew  away  and  there  was  none. 
There  was  a  man  that  ran  a  race  ; 
When  he  ran  fast,  he  ran  apace. 
There  was  a  maid  that  ate  an  apple  ; 
When  she  ate  two,  she  ate  a  couple. 
There  was  an  ape  sat  on  a  tree  ; 
When  he  fell  down,  down  fell  he. 
There  was  a  fleet  that  went  to  Spain  ; 
When  it  returned,  it  came  again."  ^ 

For  the  fiasco  Buckingham  must  bear  the  chief 
part  of  the  blame.  Not  only  was  he  responsible 
for  the  inception  of  the  expedition  and  for  its 
equipment,  but  he  filled  all  the  most  important 
positions  with  his  own  nominees,  whom  Wimbledon 
was  unable  to  reject.  But  even  with  the  materials 
at  his  command,  had  he  shown  any  decision  or 
dash,  Cecil  should  have  had  no  difficulty  in  sacking 
Cadiz  and  destroying  the  ships  in  the  harbour  ; 
while  his  failure  to  intercept  the  Plate  fleet  was  due 
far  more  to  incapacity  than  to  ill-luck.     He  lacked 

1  Cow't  and  Times  of  Charles  I.,  I.  ii8. 


EDWARD,   VISCOUNT   WIMBLEDON  119 

the  qualities  necessary  for  success,  and  being 
raised  to  a  position  of  great  responsibility,  was 
only  able  to  prove  that  he  was  utterly  unfit  for  it. 

The  Anne  Royal  remained  in  Kinsale  harbour  for 
several  weeks  to  re-fit,  and  on  putting  to  sea  was 
again  hindered  by  bad  weather,  so  that  Cecil  did 
not  reach  London  till  the  beginning  of  March.  To 
his  great  indignation  he  was  at  once  summoned 
before  the  Privy  Council  to  answer  charges  of  mis- 
management brought  against  him  by  the  Earl  of 
Essex  and  other  officers  of  the  expedition.  But 
Buckingham  stood  by  him,  and  the  perfunctory 
examination  which  took  place  resulted  in  his 
acquittal.  The  King  at  first  showed  his  disap- 
pointment and  displeasure  by  refusing  to  receive 
him  at  Court ;  but  he  soon  regained  the  Royal 
favour,  and  in  a  short  time  he  seems  to  have 
entirely  recovered  his  prestige. 

On  May  4th,  1626,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  House 
of  Lords  as  Viscount  Wimbledon,^  and  at  the  end 
of  the  year  he  was  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant  of 
Surrey.  He  was  sworn  a  member  of  the  Privy 
Council  in  February,  1628,  and  on  the  death  of  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke  two  years  later,  he  received  the 
important  appointment  of  Captain  and  Governor 
of  Portsmouth  for  life. 

Being  still  a  colonel  of  a  regiment  in  the  army 
of  the  States-General,  he  was  present  at  the  siege 
of  Groll  in  1627,  ^^^  ^^  Bois-le-duc  two  years  later, 
but  in  1631  he  relinquished  the  command  which 

^  His  patent  as  Baron  Cecil  of  Putney  and  Viscount  Wimbledon  is 
dated  November  9th,  1625  (Dalton,  II.  258). 


120  THE   CECILS 

he  had  held  for  six-and-twenty  years  and  took  final 
leave  of  Holland/ 

From  this  time  onward  he  displayed  great 
energy,  acting  on  numerous  commissions  and 
enquiries  as  member  of  the  Privy  Council — no 
sinecure  in  those  days — and  of  the  Council  of  War. 
He  incurred  the  hatred,  not  unmixed  with  fear, 
of  the  civil  authorities  of  Portsmouth,  by  his 
strenuous  endeavours  to  strengthen  the  fortifica- 
tions of  the  town.  His  name  is  prominent  in  all 
the  military  commissions  of  the  time,  and  he  was 
recognised  as  the  chief  authority  on  all  matters 
connected  with  the  Army,  into  which  he  introduced 
many  necessary  reforms. 

His  second  wife  died  in  May,  1631,  and  he  had 
still  no  son  and  heir.  He  therefore  determined  to 
marry  once  more,  and  in  1635,  he  being  sixty- three 
and  his  bride  seventeen,  he  allied  himself  to 
Sophia  Zouch,  daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Zouch  of 
Woking.  His  ambition  was  realised  by  the  birth 
of  a  son,  Algernon,  in  December,  1636  ;  but  the 
boy  survived  only  for  a  few  months  and  his  father's 
hopes  were  then  finally  shattered. 

Viscount  Wimbledon  died  on  November  i6th, 
1638,  and  was  buried  in  St.  Mary's  Church, 
Wimbledon,  where  a  monument  of  black  marble, 
erected  by  his  daughters,  preserves  a  record  of  his 
achievements. 

1  Mr.  Dalton  suggests  that  he  fell  into  disgrace  with  the  Dutch 
Government,  owing  to  a  dispute  about  compensation  for  the  damage 
done  by  a  iire  at  Cecil  House,  which  Wimbledon  had  leased  as  a  resi- 
dence for  the  Dutch  Ambassador,  and  that,  in  consequence,  he  was 
removed  from  his  command  (II.  311).  But  he  was  in  his  sixtieth  year, 
and  his  activities  at  home  demanded  all  his  time. 


CHAPTER   VII 


THE    EXETER   LINE 


Lord  Wimbledon's  eldest  brother,  William, 
who  succeeded  his  father  as  second  Earl  of  Exeter, 
was  born  in  1566.  In  spite  of  his  own  experiences 
of  foreign  travel  Sir  Thomas  sent  him  to  Paris  with 
his  tutor,  Mr.  Bird,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  and 
two  years  later  he  was  travelling  in  Italy,  where 
the  reputation  of  his  grandfather.  Lord  Burghley, 
stood  him  in  good  stead.  He  visited  Rome, 
contrary  to  his  father's  express  command,  and 
wrote  to  Walsingham,  requesting  him  to  intercede 
with  Sir  Thomas  for  him.^  Enemies  of  the  Cecils 
reported  that  he  had  become  a  Catholic,^  as  they 
did  again  when  he  was  in  Italy  fifteen  years  later. 

In  January,  1589,  he  married  Elizabeth  Manners, 
Baroness  Roos,  or  de  Ros,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of 
Rutland.  She  was  only  thirteen  years  old,  and 
being  a  ward  of  the  Crown,  could  not  marry  with- 
out licence,  which  she  had  not  obtained.  For  this 
offence  she  and  her  husband  were  fined  £600,  it 
having  been  shown  in  their  defence  that  the  late 
Earl  of  Rutland  desired  the  marriage,  and  that  the 
Countess   had   given   her   consent   to   it.^     Their 

*  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  November  24th,  1585. 

2  Hatfield  MSS.,  III.  130. 

'  Barron,  Northamptonshire  Families,  p.  29. 


122  THE   CECILS 

happiness  was  short-lived,  for  Lady  Roos  died  in 
1591,  after  giving  birth  to  one  son,  WilHam,  who 
succeeded  her  as  Lord  Roos.  The  old  Lord 
Burghley  greeted  the  birth  of  his  first  great- 
grandson  with  the  pious  ejaculation,  "  God  bless 
him  to  follow  my  purposes,  but  not  my  pains  nor 
dangers,"  ^  a  prayer  which,  unfortunately,  was  not 
granted. 

In  1600  Cecil  was  again  travelling  in  Italy,  and 
had  the  misfortune  to  incur  the  Queen's  suspicion 
that  he  was  "  going  to  Rome."  His  wife — he  had 
married  again — writes  to  the  all-powerful  Sir 
Robert  to  ask  him  to  assure  her  Majesty  that  he 
had  no  such  intention.  "  I  had  thought,"  she 
says,  "  his  very  name  in  his  travel  would  have 
proved  his  greatest  foe,  which  I  see  is  more  subject 
to  vipers  at  home,"  "  and  Cecil  himself  writes  from 
Venice  (February  ist,  1600),  "  Those  which  in  my 
absence  do  slander  me  with  coming  hither  for 
remission  of  sins  and  to  become  a  Catholic,  do 
themselves  injury  and  not  me  in  reporting  so  great 
an  untruth.  I  write  not  this  to  trouble  you  to 
defend  my  innocency  against  these  leprous  tongues, 
because  it  is  the  nature  of  certain  poor  spirits  that 
if  such  bitter  fanns  [?  fangs]  should  not  have  their 
natural  passage,  they  would  presently  fall  into 
some  grievous  disease."^ 

Wilham   Cecil  was  knighted  in   1603,   on  the 
occasion  already  described,  when  his  father  enter- 

1  Historical  MSS.  Commission,  Report  XII.,  App.  IV.  p.  282. 

2  Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  21. 

3  Ibid.,  X.  25. 


THE   EXETER   LINE  123 

tained  King  James  at  York.  After  this  we  hear 
of  him  occasionally  as  taking  part  in  functions  at 
Court,  and  serving  on  various  commissions,  but  he 
did  not  distinguish  himself  in  any  way.  A  thick- 
and-thin  adherent  of  Buckingham,  his  judgment 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  wrote  to  the  Duke 
after  the  fiasco  of  the  expedition  to  Rhe  congratu- 
lating him  on  his  "miraculous  success."^  He 
succeeded  his  father  as  Lord  Burghley  in  1605, 
and  as  Earl  of  Exeter  in  1623.  He  was  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Northampton,  a  member  of  the 
Privy  Council,  and  a  Knight  of  the  Garter  ;  and 
he  died  in  July,  1640,  and  was  buried  in 
Westminster  Abbey. 

By  his  second  wife,  Elizabeth  Drury,  daughter 
of  Sir  William  Drury,  of  Halstead,  the  Earl  had 
three  daughters  only  :  Elizabeth,  who  married 
Thomas  Howard,  Earl  of  Berkshire  :  ^  Diana,  a 
noted  beauty,  who  married  Henry  Vere,  eighteenth 
Earl  of  Oxford,^  and  afterwards  Thomas  Bruce, 
Earl  of  Elgin  :  and  Anne,  who  married  Henry, 
Lord  Grey  of  Groby,  afterwards  Earl  of  Stamford. 
Lord  Exeter's  only  son  having  predeceased  him, 
his  daughters  conveyed  considerable  portions  of 
the  family  estates  to  their  husbands,  and  the  manor 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  November  3rd,  1627. 

2  Their  eldest  daughter  married  John  Dryden. 

s  See  p.  no,  note.  "  The  Earl  of  Oxford  after  20  months'  imprison- 
ment was  released  out  of  the  tower  and  conveyed  to  the  Earl  of 
Exeter's,  and  on  New  Year's  Day  married  the  Lady  Diana  Cecil,  with 
a  portion  of  ^^30,000."  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  January  3rd,  1624 
(Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  II.  445).  She  took  part  in  a  masque 
at  Court  on  one  occasion,  and  the  popular  cry  was  :  "  Great  is  Diana 
of  the  Cecilians  "  {ibid.,  II.  351). 


124  THE   CECILS 

of  Stamford  passed  to  Lord  Grey,  who  took  his 
title  from  it/ 

Lady  Exeter  survived  until  1658,  when  she  died 
at  the  age  of  eighty,  "  leaving  behind  her  an 
example  for  piety,  wisdom,  bounty,  charity,  and 
all  goodness,  fit  for  imitation  of  all  ladies  of  honour 
and  virtue."^  She  was  a  staunch  adherent  of  the 
Parliament  during  the  Civil  War,  and  in  1643  her 
house  at  Newark  was  sacked  and  her  "  rich 
furniture  pillaged."  Three  years  later  she  sent  a 
petition  to  Parliament  praying  for  relief  "  out  of 
the  compositions  of  delinquents'  estates,"  owing 
to  the  great  losses  she  had  incurred  "  by  the 
burning,  plundering,  and  spoiling  of  her  houses  and 
goods  about  Newark  and  elsewhere."  "  I  have 
chosen,"  she  says,  "  to  bear  these  losses  in  silence, 
till  I  can  no  longer  forbear,  on  account  of  my  many 
wants  and  debts."  ^ 

Lord  Exeter's  son,  William,  Lord  Roos,*  had  a 

1  The  manor  was  bought  back  by  the  eighth  Earl  of  Exeter,  1747. 

^  From  the  inscription  on  her  monument  in  St.  James',  Clerkenwell. 

8  House  of  Lords  MSS.,  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  Report  VII.,  App.  p.  153. 

At  this  time   (1646)   there  were  no  fewer  than  four  Countesses  and 

Dowager  Countesses  of  Exeter  hving,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following 

abbreviated  table  : — 

Thomas  Cecil,  ist  Earl 
(1542—1623). 
Married  (i)  Dorothea  Nevill  (died  1609), 
(2)  Frances  Brydges  (died  1663). 

! 

I  I 

William,  2nd  Earl  Richard 

(1566— 1640).  (1570— 1633). 

Married  (i)  Elizabeth  Manners,  Lady  Rocs  (died  1591).  | 

(2)  Elizabeth  Drury  (died  1658).  David,  3rd  Earl 

I  (?  1600 — 1643). 

William,  Lord  Roos  Married  Elizabeth  Egerton  (died  1688). 

(1591— 1618).  I 

Married  Elizabeth  Lalie.  John,  4th  Earl 

(1628— 1678). 
Married(i),  in  1646,  Frances  Manners  (died  1669) 
{2)  Mary  Fane  (died  1681). 

*  The  title  was  granted  to  him  by  letters  of  credence  from  the  King, 
on  the  death  of  his  mother  in  1591,  the  year  after  his  birth.     His  claim 


THE   EXETER   LINE  125 

brief  but  by  no  means  uneventful  career.  He 
spent  most  of  his  youth  in  traveUing  on  the 
Continent,  and  was  accompanied  on  his  first  tour 
by  his  tutor,  John  Molle.  On  their  arrival  in 
Rome  in  1608,  Molle,  who  had  rendered  himself 
obnoxious  to  the  Papal  authorities  by  translating 
portions  of  Duplessis-Mornay  into  English,  and 
had  been  persuaded  by  his  pupil,  against  his  own 
better  judgment,  to  cross  the  Alps,  was  arrested 
by  the  Inquisition  and  thrown  into  prison.  To 
all  appeals  for  his  release  the  Pope  replied  "  with 
assurances  that  he  should  be  well  treated  and 
efforts  made  for  his  conversion  ;"  and  in  spite  of 
the  efforts  of  Lord  Salisbury  and  others  for  his 
release,  the  unfortunate  man  was  kept  in  prison 
for  thirty  years  until  his  death  at  the  age  of 
eighty.' 

Roos  himself,  who  already  felt  leanings  towards 
Catholicism,  was  well  received  and  entertained  in 
Rome,  and  afterwards  at  Venice,  and  he  then 
proceeded,  "  both  out  of  curiosity  and  because  he 
is  very  rich,"  to  visit  the  Courts  of  Vienna, 
Munich,  Buda-Pesth,  and  Prague.^  We  hear  of 
him  next  at  Madrid,  where  he  intended  to  remain 
a  year  in  order  to  learn  the  language,  had  not  his 
great-uncle,  Lord  Salisbury,  expressed  a  wish  that 

to  the  title  was  afterwards  disputed  by  the  Earl  of  Rutland,  but  was 
confirmed  in  his  favour.  On  his  death  without  issue  it  reverted  to  the 
Manners  family. 

1  Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  I.  77  ;  Cal.  S.  P.  Dam.,  October  2nd, 
1608  ;    January  3rd,  1610;  Cal.  S.  P.  Venetian,  September  6th,  1608. 

2  See  Cal.  S.  P.  Venetian.  March  30th,  1609.  Roos  sent  home 
from  Rome  a  collection  of  statues,  which  he  presented  to  the  Earl  of 
Arundel. 


126  THE   CECILS 

he  should  leave  that  country/  The  result  of 
this  journey  was  that  he  became  a  violent  partisan 
of  Spain,  and  was  accustomed  henceforward  to 
vilify  every  other  country,  including  his  own. 
Early  in  1611  he  was  in  Paris,  whence  he  carried 
off  Sir  Thomas  Puckering  and  his  reluctant  tutor, 
the  Rev.  Thomas  Lorkin,  on  a  tour  through  the 
Low  Countries.  Lorkin  has  given  a  sad  account 
of  his  behaviour,  which  was  gross  in  the  extreme 
and  set  a  very  bad  example  to  Sir  Thomas.  He 
shows  also  that  Lord  Roos  was  at  this  time  a 
Catholic,  "  if  they  may  be  accounted  of  any 
[religion],  which  make  conscience  of  none."^ 

In  1612  he  was  employed  as  Ambassador  to 
the  Emperor  Matthias,  to  congratulate  him  on  his 
accession,  and  in  1616  the  King  sent  him  on  a 
special  mission  to  the  Court  of  Madrid,  "  osten- 
sibly to  congratulate  Philip  on  the  recent  marriages 
of  his  children,  but  in  reality  to  plead  the  cause 
of  the  Duke  of  Savoy ,^  with  whom  Philip  was  at 
war.  Lord  Roos  set  out  in  great  style,  with  six 
footmen,  eight  pages,  twelve  gentlemen,  and 
twenty  ordinary  servants,  and  sailed  "  in  a  good 
and  fair  ship  of  the  King's,  called  the  Dread- 
nought." *   He  met  with  a  very  gratifying  reception 

1  Winwood's  Memorials,  III.  104  ;  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  March  13th,  1610 
(wrongly  calendared  161 1)  ;    May  20th,  1610. 

"  Lorkin  to  Sir  Adam  Newton,  March,  161 1  {Harleian  MSS., 
No.  7002).  Roos,  however,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Salisbury,  thanks  him 
for  not  believing  the  rumours  of  his  having  turned  Romanist,  and 
"  hopes  he  will  never  so  disgrace  his  parentage  "  {Cal  S.  P.  Dom., 
March  13th,  1610  (not  1611)  ). 

^  Gardiner,  III.  50. 

*  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  October  12th,  1616  {Court  and  Times  of 
James  I.,  I.  426). 


THE   EXETER   LINE  127 

as  he  passed  through  Portugal  and  Spain,  and  in 
a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Arundel  ^  he  has  described 
the  somewhat  embarrassing  audiences  which  he 
had  with  Philip  III.  and  his  son,  both  of 
whom  stood  immovable  like  statues,  leaning 
against  a  table,  and  gave  grave  and  courteous 
replies  without  any  change  of  countenance.  At 
his  departure  the  King  presented  him  with  a 
jewel  worth  £5,000,  but  though  peace  was  soon 
afterwards  concluded  between  Spain  and  Savoy, 
contemporary  gossip  judged  that  Lord  Roos  had 
"  succeeded  ill  in  his  negotiation,  another  argu- 
ment of  his  great  weakness."^ 

Shortly  before  he  had  set  out  upon  this  mission, 
Roos  had  married  Elizabeth  Lake,  daughter  of 
Sir  Thomas  Lake,  who  had  succeeded  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury  as  Secretary  of  State.  The  marriage 
was  in  every  way  disastrous.  "  He  was  a 
dissolute,  a  heartless  youth,  and  both  Lady  Roos 
and  her  mother,  Lady  Lake,  were  alike,  artful 
and  unprincipled  women."  ^  A  quarrel  soon  arose, 
owing  to  an  arrangement  about  the  conveyance 
of  some  property,  which  the  Lakes  tried  to  extort 
by  unfair  means.  On  Lord  Roos'  return  from 
Spain,  he  was  subjected  to  every  kind  of  insult 
and  threat  by  his  wife  and  his  mother-in-law, 
until  he  could  stand  their  "  diabolical  devices  " 
no  longer  and  determined  on  flight.     Pretending 

1  January,  1617  (Lodge,  Illustrations  of  British  History,  III,  286), 

2  Ed.  Sherburn  to  Carleton,  April  6th,  1617  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  IX 

458). 

8  Gardiner,  Vol.  III.,  Chap.  XXVII.     See  also  Spedding,  Life  and 
Letters  of  Bacon,  Vol.  VII. 


128  THE   CECILS 

that  he  was  going  into  Yorkshire,  he  took  "  a 
good  equipage,  with  sixteen  or  twenty  men,"  and 
at  Huntingdon  gave  them  the  shp,  saying  that 
he  was  called  back  urgently  to  London.  He  then 
made  his  way  to  Rome,  having  with  him  letters 
of  introduction  from  Gondomar,  the  Spanish 
Ambassador.^ 

In  his  absence  Lady  Roos  proceeded  to  make 
public  the  scandalous  charges  with  which  she  had 
already  frightened  him  in  private.  She  accused 
him  of  incestuous  connection  with  the  Countess 
of  Exeter,  the  young  wife  of  his  grandfather  ;  and 
she  further  accused  the  Countess  of  endeavour- 
ing to  poison  her,  in  order  to  conceal  her 
guilt. 

The  quarrel  came  to  the  ear  of  the  King, 
who  did  his  best  to  have  the  matter  settled,  with- 
out being  brought  into  Court.  This,  however,  was 
impossible,  and  the  case  came  before  the  Star 
Chamber  in  March,  1618. 

In  order  to  bolster  up  their  case.  Lady  Roos 
and  her  mother  produced  a  paper  purporting  to 
be  a  full  confession  by  the  Countess  of  her  guilt. 
They  declared  that  all  the  parties  had  met  at 
Wimbledon,   and  that   the   Countess  had  there, 

1  "  The  Earl  of  Exeter  complains  very  much  of  the  Spanish  Ambas- 
sador, that  he  having  from  time  to  time  afforded  him  many  favours, 
and  given  entertainment  both  at  his  house  in  Northamptonshire,  at 
Wimbledon,  and  often  here  in  town,  upon  assurance  that  he  would 
procure  the  delivery  of  Molle  out  of  the  Inquisition  of  Rome,  he  hath 
been  so  far  from  performing  his  promise,  that  he  hath  now,  lastly, 
seduced  his  [grand]  son  Roos,  and  sent  him  to  Rome  with  such  recom- 
mendations, as  he  is  in  danger  to  be  utterly  deprived  of  him."  Chamber- 
lain to  Carleton,  January  loth,  i6iS  {Court  and  Times  of  Jamas  I., 
I-  454)- 


THE  EXETER  LINE  129 

sitting  in  the  window  of  the  great  chamber, 
written  and  signed  the  confession.  This  being 
denied,  the  King  asked  for  further  evidence, 
whereupon  they  stated  that  one  Sarah  Swarton, 
their  maid,  had  stood  behind  the  hangings  at 
the  far  end  of  the  room  and  had  heard  the  Countess 
read  over  what  she  had  written.  To  this  Sarah 
swore  before  the  King,  who,  however,  was  still 
unsatisfied,  and  took  an  opportunity  of  visiting 
Wimbledon  Hall  and  inspecting  the  room.  He 
then  discovered,  first,  that  the  room  was  so  large 
that  anyone  speaking  in  the  window  could  not 
be  heard  at  the  far  end,  and  secondly,  that  the 
hangings  were  two  feet  short  of  the  ground,  so 
that  no  one  could  hide  behind  them.  "  Oaths 
cannot  confound  my  sight,"  said  James. 

Lord  Roos  had  already  written  to  the  King, 
denying  the  charges,  and  hoping  that  his  Majesty 
"  will  not  allow  Lady  Roos's  title  to  save  her 
from  any  severity,  she  being  a  base  creature,  a 
dishonour  to  his  grandfather's  house,  and  not 
worthy  to  wipe  the  shoes  of  the  Countess  of 
Exeter,  whom  she  has  wronged."  ^  Anxious  to 
have  Roos's  own  testimony,  however,  the  King 
sent  for  him  by  an  express  messenger,  who  also 
brought  him  a  formal  pardon  for  having  left  the 
kingdom  without  a  licence.  But  before  the 
messenger  arrived  news  was  received  by  Lord 
Burghley  of  his  son's  death  at  Naples."     "  Rumour 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  June  ist,  1618. 

2  Lorkin  to  Puckering,  July  14th  and  July  28th,  1618  {Court  and  Times 
oj  James  I.,  II.  80,  S3). 

C.  K 


130  THE  CECILS 

attributed  his  death  to  poison,  but  such  a  rumour 
was  too  certain  to  spring  up  to  merit  attention 
in  the  absence  of  all  corroboration."  ^ 

So  complicated  were  the  charges  and  counter- 
charges in  the  case — the  documents  filling  17,000 
sheets  of  paper — that  the  trial  did  not  take  place 
till  February,  1619.  It  occupied  five  days,  the  King 
being  present  throughout  and  finally  delivering 
the  sentence,  by  which  the  Lakes  were  fined 
upwards  of  £22,000,  and  were  condemned  to 
imprisonment  during  his  Majesty's  pleasure.  Lady 
Roos  was  compared  to  the  "  old  serpent,"  having 
beguiled  her  daughter.  Eve,  while  she  in  her  turn 
had  seduced  her  father,  Adam.  Poor  Sarah 
Swarton  came  off  very  badly.  She  "  was  adjudged 
to  the  Fleet,  from  thence  to  be  whipt  to  West- 
minster, and  after  from  the  same  place  to 
Cheapside,  there  to  be  branded  with  F.  A., 
signifying  false  accusation,  one  letter  on  either 
cheek  ;  to  return  back  again  to  the  Fleet,  there 
to  remain  until  they  do  weary  of  her,  and  then 
to  be  sent  to  Bridewell,  there  to  spend  and  end 
her  days."  ^  However,  the  prisoners  were  told 
that  they  would  be  set  free,  if  they  acknowledged 
their  guilt,  and  Sarah  at  once  confessed,  and  her 
sentence  was  remitted.  Lady  Roos  also  confessed 
in  June,  but  her  father  did  not  submit  until  the 
following  January,  and  her  mother  held  out 
until  May,  162 1. 

1  Gardiner,  III.  192. 

2  Lorkin  to  Puckering    February   iGth,   1619   {Court  and  Times  of 
James  I.,  II.  139) 


THE  EXETER  LINE  131 

The  second  Earl  of  Exeter  was  succeeded  by 
his  nephew,  David,  son  of  Sir  Richard  Cecil  of 
Wakerley.^  His  estate  was  seriously  diminished 
by  the  portions  allotted  to  his  uncle's  three 
daughters,  and  the  dowers  of  his  aunt  and  grand- 
mother. He  took  the  side  of  the  Parliament  in 
the  Civil  War,  and  is  mentioned  as  having  offered 
£500  towards  the  cost  of  raising  a  troop  of  horse. 
He  was  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Rutlandshire  in  1642, 
and  died  on  April  i8th,  1643,  having  enjoyed  his 
title  for  less  than  three  years. 

David  Cecil  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  the 
first  Earl  of  Bridge  water,  by  whom  he  had  six  sons 
and  three  daughters.  At  his  death,  however,  only 
two  of  his  children  survived  :  Frances,  who 
married  Sir  Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  first  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury,  and  John,  who  succeeded  as  fourth 
Earl  of  Exeter,  being  then  fifteen  years  of  age. 
Shortly  afterwards,  Burghley  House  was  occupied 
by  the  Royalist  troops,  and  from  them  re-captured 
by  Cromwell.  The  operations  are  thus  described 
by  a  contemporary  writer^: — 

"  Much  also  about  the  same  time  [July  27,  1643],  came 
certain  intelligence  to  London  by  letters  out  of  Lincoln- 
shire, that  about  1,000  of  the  Cavaliers  from  Newark  and 
Bever  Castle  hovered  and  roved  about  Stamford  and 
Wothrop  House,  a  great  and  strong  seat  in  those  parts,  but 
were  bravely  molested  and  chased  thence  by  that  brave  and 
most  worthily  renowned  Commander,  Colonel  Cromwell, 
and  at  last  forced  to  take  sanctuary  in  a  very  strong  and 

'  See  p.  103,  note. 

2  John  Vicars,  in  God's  A-'-ke  over-topping  the  World's  Waves.  Quoted 
by  Charlton,  p.  135. 

K  2 


132  THE   CECILS 

stately  stone-built  house,  not  far  from  Stamford  also, 
called  Burghley  House,  situated  in  a  large  park  and  sur- 
rounded with  a  strong  stone  wall,  but  God  seasonably 
sending  Colonel  Hubbard  and  Colonel  Palsgrave  to  his 
assistance,  both  with  men  and  ordnance,  the  brave  Colonel 
with  this  auxiliary  strength  immediately  advanced  to  the 
said  Burghley  House,  sat  down  before  it,  and  having  com- 
modiously  planted  his  ordnance,  shot  at  it  two  or  three 
hours  (beginning  about  three  of  the  clock  that  morning), 
but  could  do  no  good  that  way,  the  house  being  so  strongly 
built.^  Then  the  noble  Colonel  sounded  a  parley  to  the 
enemy,  and  offered  them  quarter,  to  have  their  lives  and 
liberty  to  depart  without  their  weapons  ;  but  the  enemy 
utterly  refused  the  motion,  resolutely  answering,  that  they 
would  neither  take  nor  give  quarter.  Hereupon  the 
valiant  Colonel  gave  present  order  to  storm  and  assault  it 
with  his  musketeers  ;  whereupon  the  fight  grew  very  hot, 
and  was  bravely  performed  on  both  sides  for  awhile,  and 
with  much  difficulty  and  danger  on  ours,  the  enemy  being 
very  active  and  confident ;  and  thus  the  assault  continued 
divers  hours,  till  at  last  the  Cavaliers'  courage  began  to  fail, 
ours  pressing  on  them  very  fiercely  and  furiously,  so  that 
they  sounded  a  parley  from  within  the  house  :  whereupon 
the  as  virtuous  as  valourous  Colonel,  commanding  presently 
that  not  one  of  his  soldiers  should  dare  to  shoot  or  kill  any 
man  during  the  parley  on  pain  of  death,  notwithstanding 
their  former  cruel  and  bloody  answer  to  his  foresaid 
proffer  of  quarter  to  them  :  in  brief  they  soon  concluded 
upon  quarter  for  their  lives,  and  so  they  took  them  all, 
being  two  colonels,  six  or  seven  captains,  three  or  four 
hundred  foot,  and  about  an  hundred  and  fifty  or  two 
hundred  horse,  with  all  their  arms  and  ammunition, 
together  with  the  pillage  of  the  whole  house." 

'  Charlton  states  that  the  attack  was  directed  against  the  south  side  of 
the  house,  and  that  several  indentations,  supposed  to  he  the  marks  made 
by  cannon  balls  are  visible  below  the  first  floor  windows  on  that  side. 


THE   EXETER   LINE  133 

Cromwell  is  said  to  have  shown  great  courtesy 
to  the  inmates  of  Burghley  House  after  its  capture, 
and  to  have  presented  the  Countess  of  Exeter, 
widow  of  the  late  Earl,  with  the  portrait  of 
himself  by  Walker,  which  is  still  in  the  collection 
there.  The  Countess  being  a  staunch  Parliamen- 
tarian, this  was  no  more  than  her  due. 

Of  John,  the  fourth  Earl  of  Exeter,  nothing  is 
recorded  except  that  he  was  for  many  years  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Northamptonshire  and  that  he 
married  first,  Frances,  daughter  of  the  eighth 
Earl  of  Rutland,^  and  secondly,  Mary,  daughter 
of  the  Earl  of  Westmorland.  He  died  in  1678  at 
the  age  of  fifty. 

He  left  two  children,  for  both  of  whom  he  had 
provided  what  he  considered  suitable  alliances. 
John,  his  son  and  heir,  was  married,  all  unwilling, 
to  a  wealthy  widow,  Anne,  Lady  Rich,  only 
daughter  of  the  third  Earl  of  Devonshire  and 
Ehzabeth  Cecil,  daughter  of  the  second  Earl  of 
Salisbury.  "  He  can  endure  my  Lady  Rich  as 
well  as  any  other  wife,"  wrote  a  friend  of  the 
family,^  "  but  he  had  rather  have  none."  How- 
ever, there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  regretted 
his  marriage. 

His  sister.  Lady  Frances  Cecil,  was  described  by 
Lady  Campden^  as  "one  of  the  impudentest 
women  as  ever  was  known  or  heard  of."     Married 

'  Another  daughter  married  the  third  Earl  of  SaHsbury.     See  p.  230. 

2  Lady  Sunderland  to  Lady  Giffard,  January  28th,  1668  (Life  and 
Letters  of  Lady  Giffard). 

8  In  a  letter  of  August  25th,  1681.  Quoted  by  G.  E.  C,  Complete 
Peerage,  s.v.  Scudamore. 


134  THE   CECILS 

to  a  worthy  but  elderly  invalid,  Viscount  Scuda- 
more,  her  great  beauty  inflamed  the  ardour  of 
Thomas  (afterwards  Lord)  Coningsby,  to  whose 
importunities  she  at  last  yielded.^  The  guilty 
pair  were  surprised  by  Mrs.  Coningsby,  from 
whose  fury  they  fled  on  horseback — the  lady  in 
the  scantiest  attire.  As  soon  as  he  discovered 
their  flight.  Lord  Scudamore,  "  full  of  pity  for 
his  wife's  youth  and  frailty,  resolved  to  tear  her 
from  that  infamy  she  was  pursuing,"  and  sent 
his  servants  in  all  directions  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives.  They  were  soon  tracked  to  an  inn  some 
thirty  miles  distant,  whereupon  Coningsby  pre- 
cipitately mounted  his  horse  and  fled,  leaving 
Frances  to  her  fate.  Disgusted  at  his  cowardice, 
and  now  full  of  remorse,  the  unfortunate  lady 
returned  to  her  husband,  who  "  received  her  with 
tears  of  tenderness  and  commiseration,"  and 
proceeded  to  bring  an  action  against  Coningsby 
"  for  invading  his  property."  The  villain,  how- 
ever, "  did  not  scruple  at  all  to  sacrifice  her  fame 
to  his  own  security,"  and  had  the  effrontery  to 
plead  that  the  lady  ran  away  with  him.  This 
cowardly  behaviour,  we  are  told,  "  so  far  ruined 
his  credit  with  the  ladies,  that  he  was  forced  to 
be  regular,  and  confine  his  caresses  to  his  wife. 
The  meanest  woman  would  not  be  brought  to 
trust  him  for  fear  he  should  betray  her,  and  report 
as  before,  that  she  had  seduced  him."     He  was  a 


'  The  story  is  told  at  great  length  in  Mrs.  Manley's  New  Atlantis,  II. 
217 — 240,  and,  if  the  details  are  more  picturesque  than  accurate,  the 
main  outline  is  true  to  fact. 


BL'RGHLEV    HOUSE— THE    STONE    STAIRCASE 
From  a  drawing  by  Joseph  Nash,  1S41 


THE   EXETER   LINE  135 

violent  and  unscrupulous  politician,   and  at  his 
death,  in  1729,  well  deserved  Pope's  epitaph  : 

"  Here  lies  Lord  Coningsby  :  be  civil, 
The  rest  God  knows,  or  else  the  devil."  ^ 

John,  fifth  Earl  of  Exeter,  was  a  man  of  some 
talent  and  considerable  taste.  Keenly  interested 
in  art  and  letters,  he  travelled  extensively  on  the 
Continent,  and  acquired  a  reputation  for  learning 
and  culture.  After  the  Revolution,  he  refused 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  William  IIL,  and 
when  the  King  paid  a  visit  to  Burghley,  while 
passing  through  Stamford  in  1695,  Lord  Exeter 
contrived  to  be  absent.  William  was  so  much 
pleased  with  the  place,  that  he  repeated  his  visit 
on  the  following  day,  and  when  one  of  his 
attendants  asked  him  how  he  liked  Burghley,  he 
is  said  to  have  replied,  "  that  the  house  was  too 
large  for  a  subject."  ^ 

To  the  fifth  Earl  is  mainly  due  the  fine  collection 
of  pictures  and  works  of  art  of  which  Burghley 
is  justly  proud.  Unfortunately,  during  a  long 
residence  in  Rome  at  the  time  when  Luca 
Giordano  and  Carlo  Dolci  were  flourishing,  he 
employed  these  two  second-rate  painters  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  produce  "  a  surfeit  "  of  their 
pictures.^  He  also  made  considerable  alterations 
to  the  house  itself,  and  was  responsible  for  the 
carvings  by  Grinling  Gibbons  and  the  ceilings  by 
Laguerre   and   Verrio,   of  whom   the   last-named 

^  Spence's  Anecdotes,  1820,  p.  13. 

2  Peck,  Desiderata  Curiosa,  I.  237  ;    Charlton,  p.  141. 

8   Walpole's  Letters,  Mrs.  Paget  Toynbee's  ed.  XIV.  291. 


136  THE   CECILS 

was  engaged  at  Burghley  for  a  space  of  twelve 
years,  at  an  annual  salary,  it  is  said,  of  £1,500.^ 
The  portraits  of  himself,  his  wife  and  his  children 
by  Lely  and  Kneller  ^  bear  further  witness  to  his 
love  of  art,  and  among  the  other  artists  he 
patronised  was  William  Wissing,  who  painted 
portraits  of  several  members  of  the  family. 
Wissing  died  while  at  Burghley  in  1687,  ^.nd 
the  Earl  erected  a  monument  to  his  memory  in 
St.  Martin's,  Stamford. 

Another  still  more  illustrious  inmate  of  Burghley 
was  Matthew  Prior,  who,  about  the  year  1689,  on 
the  recommendation  of  the  Master  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge,  was  appointed  tutor  to  the 
Earl's  sons.  Several  of  his  poems  are  dated  from 
Burghley,^  notably  the  Hues  "  To  the  Countess  of 
Exeter,"  beginning  : — 

"  What  charms  you  have,  from  what  high  race  you 
sprung, 
Have  been  the  pleasing  subjects  of  my  song  : 
Unskill'd  and  young,  yet  something  still  I  writ. 
Of  Ca'ndish  beauty  join'd  to  Cecil's  wit." 

Lord  Exeter,  with  the  Countess  and  three 
children,  "  in  all  thirty-six  in  family,"  set  out  in 
September,  1699,  to  go  to  the  jubilee  at  Rome, 
intending  to  "  continue  in  those  parts  "  for  three 
years.     He  was,  however,  taken  very  ill  at  Turin, 

1  Charlton,  p.  216. 

2  The  Earl  formed  a  weird  society  at  Burghley,  called  "  The  Honble. 
Order  of  Little  Bedlam,"  of  which  Kneller  was  a  member.  See  Hist. 
MSS.  Com..  5th  Report,  399- 

8  See  Introduction  to  Prior's  Poetical  Works,  by  R.  B.  Johnson 
(Aldine  edition.^jiSgz,  I.  xxii). 


THE   EXETER   LINE  137 

on  his  way  to  Rome,  and  though  he  then  recovered, 
he  returned  to  France  and  died  at  Issy,  near 
Paris,  in  September,  1700.^  He  was  buried  in 
St.  Martin's,  Stamford,  where  a  magnificent 
monument  of  white  veined  marble,  made  at 
Rome  by  Monnot,  and  brought  home  by  the 
Earl  himself,  commemorates  his  virtues  and 
talents,  and  the  worth  and  beauty  of  his  wife. 

Of  their  children  only  two  were  married, 
John  and  Elizabeth.  The  latter  married  Charles 
Boyle,  fourth  Earl  of  Orrery,  whose  edition  of 
the  Epistles  of  Phalaris  originated  the  famous 
controversy  with  Bentley.  She  died  in  1708  at 
the  age  of  twenty-one,  leaving  a  son,  John, 
afterwards  fifth  Earl  of  Orrery,  the  friend  of 
Pope  and  Swift."  John  (1674 — 1721),  who  suc- 
ceeded as  sixth  Earl  of  Exeter,  was  fond  of 
hawking,  horse  matches,  and  other  country  sports, 
but  has  no  other  claim  to  distinction.  Neverthe- 
less, he  added  to  the  wealth  of  the  family  by 
making  two  very  judicious  marriages,  first  with 
Annabella  Bennet,  daughter  of  Lord  Ossulston, 
with  a  fortune  of  £30,000,  and  secondly  with 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  John  Brownlow,  Bart., 
of  Belton,  Lincolnshire,  with  £1,200  a  year,  and 
£10,000  in  money. '^ 

His  eldest  son,  John  (1700 — 1722),  died 
unmarried,  after  holding  the  title  for  only  a  few 
months.     He    was    succeeded    by    his    brother. 


1  Luttrell's  Diary,  IV.  pp.  563,  564,  599,  681,  683,  684. 

2  Elwin  and  Courthope,  Works  of  Pope,  VIII.  369,  note. 

3  Luttrell's  Diary,  III.  178  ;    IV.  563. 


138  THE   CECILS 

Brownlow,  the  eighth  Earl  (1701 — 1754),  and  he 
in  his  turn  by  his  son,  Brownlow,  the  ninth  Earl 
(1725 — 1793),  a  man  of  more  activity  and  more 
culture  than  his  immediate  predecessors.  Besides 
sitting  in  two  Parliaments  as  member  for  Rutland, 
and  acting  as  Lord  Lieutenant  of  that  county, 
he  was  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  and  of  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries,  and  received  the  degree 
of  LL.D.  at  Cambridge  in  1751.  A  keen  musician, 
he  was  one  of  the  directors  of  the  Handel  Com- 
memoration in  1784,  and  his  private  concerts 
were  famous.  Further,  he  refurnished  Burghley 
House,  and  added  to  the  library  and  to  the  art 
collections.  Though  twice  married,  he  left  no 
issue,  and  on  his  death,  in  1793,  the  title  descended 
to  his  nephew,  Henry,  whose  father,  Thomas 
Chambers  Cecil,  married  Charlotte  Gormiez  or 
Gamier  (said,  by  family  tradition,  to  have  been 
a  Basque),  and  lived  on  the  Continent,  dying  in 
France  in  1778. 

Henry,  the  tenth  Earl  and  first  Marquess  of 
Exeter,  was  bom  at  Brussels  in  1754.  For  many 
years  he  was  member  for  Stamford,  and  like  his 
father,  was  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  and  of 
the  Society  of  Antiquaries,  but  his  chief  claim  to 
distinction  lies  in  his  matrimonial  adventures. 
His  first  wife  was  Emma,  daughter  and  heiress 
of  Thomas  Vernon,  of  Hanbury,  Worcestershire, 
to  whom  he  was  married  in  1776  at  St.  George's, 
Hanover  Square.  Only  one  child  was  bom,  a 
son,  who  died  in  infancy  ;  and  in  May,  1789,  after 
thirteen  years  of  married  life,  Mrs.  Cecil  ran  away 


THE   EXETER   LINE  139 

with  the  Rev.  WilUam  Sneyd,  a  curate.  The 
story,  as  divulged  at  the  "  Action  for  Criminal 
Conversation,"  tried  before  Lord  Kenyon  on 
June  26th,  1790,  shows  all  the  parties  in  a  very 
unfavourable  light.  Counsel  for  the  defence 
endeavoured  to  show  that  Mr.  Sneyd  "  fell  into 
the  snare  of  this  young  woman,"  who,  though 
"  possessed  of  no  personal  beauty  or  attractions," 
yet  "  from  the  rank  and  dignity  which  she  held 
in  the  country  as  wife  of  Mr.  Cecil,  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  drawing  into  her  snare  an  unfortunate 
young  man,  who  possessed  an  handsome  person 
which  happened  to  attract  her  attention."  He 
went  on  to  declare  that  "it  is  a  fact  absolutely 
notorious  that  no  person  in  the  family  dreamed  of 
anything  like  a  criminal  intercourse  between  these 
parties,  until  it  was  confessed  by  this  unhappy 
young  man,  in  the  hour  of  sickness,  who  was 
desirous  of  making  some  sort  of  atonement  to  the 
person  whom  he  had  injured,  and  to  obtain  his 
forgiveness."  In  spite  of  these  protestations,  the 
cross-examination  of  the  servants,  witnesses  for 
Mr.  Cecil,  tended  to  estabHsh  the  fact  that  the 
whole  household  of  twenty-four  persons,  and  their 
master,  were  perfectly  well  aware,  for  weeks  before 
the  defendant's  confession,  of  what  was  going  on. 
After  the  confession,  Mr.  Sneyd  left  Mr.  Cecil's 
house  with  his  father,  and  Mrs.  Cecil  "  fell  down 
on  her  knees  and  implored  her  husband  to  allow 
her  once  more  to  go  and  see  this  defendant,  and 
to  take  her  final  leave  of  him,  and  to  give  up  his 
embraces  for  ever ;  and  that  she  would  return  to 


140  THE  CECILS 

her  duty."  Accordingly,  Mr.  Cecil  took  his  wife 
to  Birmingham,  where  Mr.  Sneyd  was  staying, 
and  leaving  her  there,  to  be  brought  back  by 
Mr.  Sneyd  senior,  returned  home.  Mrs.  Cecil, 
however,  immediately  persuaded  her  lover  to  rise 
from  his  sick  bed,  and  to  fly  with  her,  partially 
disguised,  to  Exeter,  where  they  lived  together 
at  an  hotel  under  the  names  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Benson.  After  these  revelations  it  is  scarcely 
surprising  that  the  jury  found  for  the  plaintiff 
with  £i,ooo  damages,  thus  entitling  him  to  a 
divorce,  which  he  obtained  by  Act  of  Parliament 
in  June,  1791. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  Henry  Cecil 
connived  at  his  wife's  seduction  and  elopement, 
and,  in  fact,  in  less  than  a  year  after  she  had  left 
him,  and  before  the  trial,  he  succumbed  to  the 
charms  of  a  "  village  maiden,"  named  Sarah 
Hoggins  (aged  seventeen),  and  wooing  her  under 
the  name  of  John  Jones,  led  her  to  the  village 
altar  at  Bolas  Magna,  in  Shropshire  (April,  1790). 
After  the  divorce  he  married  her  again  at 
St.  Mildred's,  Bread  Street,  but  the  marriage 
seems  to  have  been  kept  secret  until  after  his 
accession  to  the  title  in  1793.  Of  the  Countess 
we  know  little,  though  Horace  Walpole  records 
that  he  "  heard  a  good  account  of  her,  especially 
of  her  great  humility  and  modesty  on  her  exalta- 
tion," and  adds  :  "if  she  is  brought  into  the 
fashionable  world,  I  should  think  the  Duchess  of 
Gordon  would  soon  laugh  her  out  of  those  vulgar 
qualities,  though  she  may  not  correct  her  diction 


THE   EXETER  LINE  141 

and  spelling."  ^  We  have  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  she  sank  under  "  the  burthen  of  an  honour 
unto  which  she  was  not  bom  "  ;  and  all  we  know 
is  that  she  died  in  1797,  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
three,  in  giving  birth  to  her  fourth  child.  Thus 
Tennyson's  ballad,  which  is  based  on  this  some- 
what sordid  episode,  has  very  little  foundation 
in  fact,  and  it  seems  a  pity  that  he  should  have 
attached  a  real  name  to  his  romantic  version  of 
the  story. 

The  Earl  was  still  in  the  prime  of  life.  His 
experiences  of  wedlock  had  possessed  a  pleasing 
variety,  but  he  had  not  yet  exhausted  its 
possibilities.  Having  taken  his  first  wife  from 
the  landed  gentry,  and  his  second  from  the 
people,  it  remained  for  him  to  choose  a  third  from 
the  higher  ranks  of  the  peerage.  Accordingly, 
in  August,  1800,  he  replaced  his  peasant  Countess 
by  a  divorced  Duchess,  Elizabeth,  relict  of  the 
sixth  Duke  of  Hamilton."  In  the  following  year 
Lord  Exeter  was  advanced  to  the  dignity  of 
Marquess,  and  in  1804  he  died,  at  the  age  of 
fifty,  leaving  three  young  children  by  his  second 
wife.^ 

The  second  Marquess,  who  succeeded  to  the 
title  at  the  age  of  nine,  was  educated  at  Eton 
and  St.   John's  College,   Cambridge,  as  usual  in 

^  Walpole's  Letters,  Mrs.  Paget  Toynbee's  ed.,  XV.  333. 

2  She  had  been  divorced  in  1794.     The  Duke  died  in  1799. 

^  The  only  daughter,  Sophia,  married  Henry  Pierrepont,  and  their 
daughter,  Auguste,  married  Lord  Charles  Wellesley,  brother  of  the  Dukf 
of  Wellington,  and  was  the  mother  of  the  third  and  fourth  Dukes. 
Another  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  married  Lady  Georgiana 
Cecil,  sister  of  the  second  Marquess  of  Salisbur}\     See  p.  240. 


142  THE   CECILS 

this  branch  of  the  family.  In  1824,  he  married 
Isabella,  daughter  and  co-heir  of  William  Stephen 
Poyntz,  of  Cowdray.  He  was  appointed  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Rutland  in  1826,  and  of  Northamp- 
ton in  1842  ;  received  the  Garter  in  1827,  ^^^ 
was  sworn  of  the  Privy  Council  in  1841.  He 
held  various  oihces  in  the  Household,  being 
Groom  of  the  Stole  to  the  Prince  Consort  from 
1841 — 1846  ;  Lord  Chamberlain  in  1852,  and 
Lord  Steward  in  1858 — 9.  A  bigoted  Tory, 
though  he  did  not  participate  in  the  debates 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  he  voted  consistently 
against  all  the  great  reforming  measures  of  the 
period. 

His  unreasoning  hatred  of  reform  of  any  kind 
led  him  to  oppose  with  all  his  power  the  proposal 
of  the  Great  Northern  Railway  to  carry  their 
main  line  through  the  town  of  Stamford.  The 
result  of  his  obstinacy  was  that  the  company 
were  obliged  to  alter  their  plans  and  carry  the 
line  through  Peterborough,  to  the  irreparable 
loss  of  Stamford.  In  the  end  Lord  Exeter  had 
to  build  a  branch  line  from  Essendine  to  Stamford 
at  his  own  expense,  and  in  order  to  pay  for  this, 
most  of  his  London  property  had  to  be  sold. 

The  Marquess  was  a  member  of  the  Jockey 
Club,  and  kept  an  extensive  racing  stud.  He 
was  particularly  fortunate  with  the  Oaks,  which 
he  won  three  times  :  with  Augusta  in  1821,  with 
Green  Mantle  in  1829,  and  with  Galatea  in  1832  : 
but  he  never  succeeded  in  winning  the  Derby. 

In   1844   he   entertained   the   Queen   and   the 


THE   EXETER  LINE  143 

Prince  Consort  at  Burghley  for  three  days,  when 
the  Prince  stood  sponsor  to  the  Lady  Victoria 
Cecil.  The  company  included  Sir  Robert  Peel 
and  other  ministers,  and  the  cost  of  the  entertain- 
ment was  colossal. 

Disraeli  has  given  an  interesting  picture  of 
Burghley  and  its  inmates  at  this  time  : — 

"  The  exterior,"  he  writes,  "  is  faultless,  so  vast  and  so 
fantastic,  and  in  such  fine  condition  that  the  masonry 
seems  but  of  yesterday.  In  the  midst  of  a  vast  park, 
ancient  timber  in  profusion,  gigantic  oaks  of  the  days  of 
the  Lord  Treasurer,  and  an  extensive  lake.  The  plate  is 
marvellous.  The  History  of  England  in  the  golden  pre- 
sents from  every  sovereign,  from  Elizabeth  and  James  I. 
to  Victoria  and  Albert — shields,  vases,  tankards,  etc. 
Our  host  shy,  but  very  courteous  ;  Lady  Exeter  tall, 
still  handsome,  engaging,  and  very  pious.  Great  battues 
every  day  ;  five  hundred  head  slaughtered  as  a  matter  of 
course.  The  interior  not  equal  to  Belvoir,  the  state 
rooms,  lofty  and  painted  by  sprawling  Verrio,  open  one 
into  each  other  by  small  side  doors,  like  a  French  palace 
or  Hampton  Court,  and  so  a  want  of  consecutive  effect. 
There  is,  however,  a  Hall  as  large  as  a  college  nail,  and 
otherwise  very  striking.  But  the  family  live  in  a  suite  of 
rooms  fit  only  for  a  squire  of  degree,  and  yet  the  most 
comfortable  in  the  world."  ^ 

On  his  death  in  1867,  the  second  Marquess  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  William  AUeyne  (1825 — 
1895),  who  sat  for  twenty  years  in  Parliament 
as  member  for  South  Lincolnshire,  and  afterwards 
for  North  Northamptonshire,  and  held  various 
offices  at  Court.     He  was  Militia  Aide-de-Camp 

1  Disraeli's  Correspondence,  January  24th,  1850. 


144  THE   CECILS 

to  the  Queen,  and  colonel  in  i860  ;  Treasurer 
of  the  Household,  1866 — 7  ;  sworn  of  the  Privy 
Council,  1866  ;  Captain  of  the  Corps  of  Gentle- 
men-at-Arms,  1867 — 8  and  1874 — 5.  But  his 
chief  interest  lay  in  the  management  of  his 
estates,  which  were  considerably  encumbered  by 
his  father's  extravagance,  and  by  the  prevailing 
depression.  On  all  matters  connected  with  agri- 
culture he  was  a  recognised  authority,  and  he 
achieved  greatness  in  pisciculture  and  in  breeding 
shorthorns.  Though  obliged  to  cut  down  his 
establishment,  he  liberally  supported  all  local 
charities,  and  performed  his  duties  as  a  magistrate 
and  as  a  guardian.  He  was  also  an  enthusiastic 
yachtsman,  and  a  general  favourite  among  all 
classes. 

The  third  Marquess  married  Georgina  Sophia 
Pakenham,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Longford,  a 
foolish  woman,  of  whom  Peel  said  he  thought 
she  was  "  the  sort  of  person  who  would  do  pretty 
well  for  a  public  man  ;  she  wouldn't  ask  what  the 
division  was  when  he  came  home. "  ^  They  had  four 
sons  and  six  daughters.  The  eldest  son,  Brownlow, 
who  succeeded  his  father  in  1895  at  the  age  of 
forty-six,  enjoyed  the  title  and  estates  for  only  a 
short  three  years.  But  he  had  lived  for  some 
time  at  Deeping  St.  James,  between  Spalding  and 
Stamford,  and  was  well  known  and  immensely 
popular  in  the  district.  He  had  been  Captain  in 
the  Grenadier  Guards  (in  which  regiment  his 
two  brothers,  Lord  WilHam  Cecil  and  Lord  John 

1  Sir  M.  Grant  Duff,  Notes  from  a  Diary,  January  25th,  1894. 


BURGHLEY    HOUSE— THE    CENTRAL    COURT 
From  a  drawing  by  Joseph  Nash,   1S41 


THE  EXETER  LINE  145 

Joicey- Cecil  also  served),  and  was  afterwards 
Hon.  Colonel  of  the  3rd  and  4th  Batallions, 
Northamptonshire  Regiment.  He  represented 
North  Northamptonshire  in  Parhament  for  twenty- 
eight  years  before  his  accession,  was  Groom-in- 
Waiting  to  the  Queen  in  1886,  Vice-Chamberlain 
to  the  Queen  in  1891 — 2,  and  was  a  member  of 
the  Privy  Council.  Like  his  father  he  took  great 
interest  in  local  affairs,  and  was  a  familiar  figure 
on  political  platforms  in  Lincolnshire.  He  married 
Isabella,  daughter  and  heir  of  Sir  Thomas 
Whichcote,  Bart.,  and  the  present  Marquess  (born 
in  1876)  was  their  only  child.  In  1901  Lord  Exeter 
married  the  Hon.  Myra  Rowena  Sibell  Orde- 
Powlett,  daughter  of  Lord  Bolton,  and  has  two 
sons  and  one  daughter. 

Here,  for  the  present,  ends  the  chronicle  of  the 
Exeter  branch  of  the  family. 


c. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

ROBERT   CECIL,    FIRST   EARL   OF    SALISBURY 

Turning  now  to  the  Salisbury  branch  of  the 
family,  we  are  confronted  with  the  enigmatical 
figure  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  the  only  son  of  Lord 
Burghley  by  his  second  wife,  Mildred  Cooke. 

Few  great  statesmen  are  so  little  known,  and 
of  few  is  it  more  difficult  to  form  a  satisfactory 
judgment.  The  private  life  of  Lord  Burghley 
lies  open  for  all  to  read  ;  the  character  of  Sir 
Thomas  Cecil  is  simple  and  presents  few  problems. 
But  the  first  Earl  of  Sahsbury  hid  his  real  self 
behind  a  mask,  and  even  the  mass  of  papers  at 
Hatfield  throw  only  a  confused  light  on  his 
character.  They  tell  us  almost  nothing  of  his 
private  life,  and  perhaps  the  strongest  impression 
we  gain  from  them  is  the  extraordinary  affection 
shown  by  his  friends  to  this  man  whose  own 
reserve  is  so  impenetrable.  Yet  many  of  those 
who  knew  him  best  seem  always  to  have  dis- 
trusted him.  He  was  surrounded  by  enemies  and 
detractors,  and  subjected  to  every  form  of 
personal  vilification  ;  and  much  of  the  mud 
thrown  both  during  his  life  and  after  his  death  has 
stuck  to  him.  As  Gardiner  remarks,  it  was 
difficult  for  his  contemporaries  "  to  imagine  that 
the  man  who  succeeded  whilst  Essex  and  Raleigh, 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  147 

Northumberland  and  Bacon  failed,  could  have 
prospered  except  by  the  most  unscrupulous 
treachery."  It  is  certain  that  the  sympathy 
naturally  felt  for  such  splendid  figures  as  Essex 
and  Raleigh,  and  the  suspicion  that  Cecil  was 
in  some  way  responsible  for  the  tragedies  of 
their  careers,  has  involved  him  in  undeserved 
odium. 

The  date  of  Robert  Cecil's  birth  is  always  said 
to  be  uncertain,  but  one  of  Burghley's  many 
memoranda  of  family  events  preserved  at  Hatfield, 
gives  it  as  June  ist,  1563,  a  date  which  on  other 
grounds  may  be  accepted  as  probable.  He  was 
a  sickly  youth,  and  was  educated  at  home  under 
private  tutors,  until  he  entered  St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge,  in  15S1.  Three  years  later  he  went 
to  Paris,  where  he  acquired  an  excellent  knowledge 
of  French. 

"  He  was  his  father's  own  son,"  says  Sir  Robert 
Naunton,^  adding,  "  he  was  a  courtier  from  his 
cradle,  and  had  his  sufficiency  from  the  instructions 
of  his  father,  the  tutorship  of  the  times  and  Court, 
which  were  then  the  academies  of  art  and 
cunning."  He  early  gained  the  favour  of  the 
Queen,  and  in  1588  he  accompanied  the  mission 
sent  by  Elizabeth  to  treat  with  the  Prince  of 
Parma,  and  headed  by  Lord  Derby.  From 
Ostend,  Cecil  and  a  young  Spencer  were  despatched 
to  Ghent  to  announce  their  arrival,  and  were 
received  by  the  Prince  with  elaborate  politeness. 
Writing    to    his    father,    Robert    mentions    that 

1  rragnienla  Regalia,  p.  138. 

L  2 


148  THE   CECILS 

though  the  garrison  of  Ostend  had  run  short  of 
provisions,  game  was  plentiful  in  the  shape  of 
pheasants  and  partridges,  which  "  flew  continually 
within  the  walls."  He  had  himself  "  a  setting 
dog  and  nets."  and  "  hoped  to  eat  partridges  in 
tent  of  his  own  catching,  asking  no  favours  of  the 
lord  of  the  soil."' 

On  his  return  from  Ostend  he  began  to  help 
his  father  in  his  multifarious  labours,  and  prac- 
tically exercised  the  office  of  Secretary,  though  he 
was  not  actually  appointed  to  the  post  until 
July,  1596.  He  was  a  Knight  of  the  Shire  for 
the  county  of  Hertford,  in  the  Parliament  of 
1589,  and  continued  to  represent  the  county 
until  the  end  of  the  reign.  In  1591,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  great  entertainment  given  to  her 
Majesty  at  Theobalds,  he  received  the  honour  of 
knighthood,  and  soon  afterwards  was  sworn  of 
the  Privy  Council. 

That  he  should  thus  have  gained  a  secure 
position  in  a  Court  which  prized  so  highly  all  those 
exterior  graces  and  accomplishments  which  he 
lacked  is,  at  first  sight,  somewhat  surprising. 
The  Venetian  Ambassador  speaks  of  his  "noble 
countenance  and  features,"  but,  as  Naunton  says, 
"  his  face  was  the  best  part  of  his  outside."  He 
was  very  short — not  above  five  feet  two  inches 
in  height — and  ill-formed,  and  though  not  "  hump- 
backed," as  his  enemies  called  him,  had  an 
ungainly  appearance,  owing  to  his  large  head  and 
round   shoulders,   and   to   this,   the   dress   of  the 

'  S.  p.  Spain.     Quoted  by  Froude,  History,  XII.  403. 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  149 

day,  and  especially  the  large  ruff,  contributed.^ 
Anthony  Bacon,  in  a  letter  to  Essex,-  tells  an 
anecdote  which  shows  that  his  diminutive  stature 
was  a  source  of  merriment  to  the  Court.  "  Lord 
Wemyss,"  he  says,  "  coming  out  of  the  Privy 
Chamber  after  an  audience  with  the  Queen,  asked 
the  Lord  Chamberlain  for  Sir  Robert  Cecil. 
'  Why,  Sir,'  said  he,  '  he  was  within.'  '  By  my 
soul,'  saith  the  Lord  Wemyss,  '  I  could  not  see 
him.'  '  No  marvel,'  said  Sir  George  Carey,  '  being 
so  little.'  Whereat  the  Lord  Wemyss  confessed 
he  burst  out  of  laughing." 

Yet,  in  spite  of  these  disadvantages,  he  was 
the  only  one  of  Elizabeth's  courtiers  whose  career 
suffered  no  reverse.  Her  affection  for  his  father, 
and  his  own  great  abilities — above  all,  perhaps, 
his  steadiness  and  discretion,  in  which  qualities 
his  rivals  were  lamentably  deficient — counted 
for  much.  But  even  his  personal  defects  may 
have  helped  to  maintain  him  in  the  Queen's 
good  graces.  She  liked  to  treat  him  with  a 
mixture  of  affection  and  raillery,  calling  him  her 
"  pigmy,"  or  her  "  elf,"  and  though  such  terms 
galled  him,  he  had  the  good  sense  and  good  temper 
to  hide  his  mortification.  His  very  infirmities, 
too,  perhaps  roused  her  dormant  spirit  of  pro- 
tection, and  provoked  her  to  defend  him  against 
the  slanders  and  malice  of  his  rivals.  A  story  is 
told,  which  belongs  to  this  period,  and  has  been 

'  See  article  on  "  Hatfield  House,"  by  J.  S.  Brewer,  in  his  Enf^lish 
Studies,  to  which  I  am  considerably  indebted. 
2  January  24th,  1594  [Hatfield  MSS.,  V.  98). 


150  THE   CECILS 

interpreted  as  showing  that  Cecil  was  a  "  man  of 
gallantry."  It  occurs  in  a  letter  from  W.  Browne 
to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury/  and  is  as  follows  : — 

The  young  Countess  of  Derby  wore  about  her 
neck  "  a  picture  which  was  in  a  dainty  tablet." 
One  day  the  Queen,  "  espying  it,  asked  what 
fine  jewel  that  was.  The  Lady  Derby  was  curious 
to  excuse  the  showing  of  it  ;  but  the  Queen 
would  not  have  it,  and  opening  it  and  finding 
it  to  be  Mr.  Secretary's,  snatched  it  away,  and 
tied  it  upon  her  shoe,  and  walked  long  with  it 
there  ;  then  she  took  it  thence  and  pinned  it  on 
her  elbow,  and  wore  it  some  time  there  also." 
Hearing  of  this,  Cecil  "  compounded "  some 
verses,  and  "  got  Hales  to  frame  a  ditty  unto  it." 
In  reading  this  story  it  is  well  to  remember,  what, 
of  course,  was  perfectly  well  known  to  Shrewsbury 
and  his  correspondent,  that  the  Countess  of  Derby 
was  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  and  therefore 
Cecil's  own  niece. 

In  September,  1592,  Cecil  was  sent  to  Dart- 
mouth as  Commissioner  to  apportion  the  spoil 
brought  home  in  the  "  Great  Carrack,"  the  Madre 
de  Dios,  captured  by  Sir  John  Borough  in  Raleigh's 
ship,  the  Roebuck.  The  excitement  caused  by  the 
news  of  the  capture,  "  the  most  brilliant  feat  of 
privateering  ever  accomplished  by  Englishmen," 
was  intense,  and  the  value  of  the  cargo,  though 
not  so  great  as  at  first  estimated,  proved  to  be 
upwards  of  ;£i4i,ooo,  equivalent  to  three-quarters 
of  a  million  in  our  present  currency.     Sir  Robert 

^  September  i8th,  1592  (Lodge's  Illustrations,  III.  146). 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  151 

reached  Exeter  on  September  19th,  and  at  once 
found  it  necessary  to  take  active  steps  to  prevent 
embezzlement  and  waste.  "  Whomsoever  I  met 
by  the  way,"  he  writes  to  Burghley,  "  within 
seven  miles,  that  either  had  any  thing  in  cloak- 
bag  or  in  mail  which  did  but  smell  of  the  prizes, 
either  at  Dartmouth  or  Plymouth  (for  I  assure 
your  Lordship,  I  could  smell  them  almost,  such 
hath  been  the  spoils  of  amber  and  musk  amongst 
them),  I  did,  though  he  had  little  about  him, 
return  him  with  me  to  the  town  of  Exeter ;  where 
I  stayed  any  that  should  carry  news  to  Dartmouth 
and  Plymouth,  at  the  gates  of  the  town.  I  com- 
pelled them  also  to  tell  me  where  any  trunks  or 
mails  were.  And  I,  by  this  inquisition,  finding 
the  people  stubborn  till  I  had  committed  two 
innkeepers  to  prison — which  example  would  have 
won  the  Queen  £20,000  a  week  past — I  have  lit 
upon  a  Londoner's  [?  agent],  in  whose  house  we 
have  found  a  bag  of  seed  pearls."  He  further 
ordered  every  bag  or  mail  coming  from  the  west 
to  be  searched,  and  made  an  impression  on  the 
"  Mayor  and  the  rest  "  by  his  "  rough  dealing  " 
with  them.  "  My  Lord,"  he  continues,  "  there 
never  was  such  spoil  !  .  .  .  My  sending  down 
hath  made  many  stagger.  Fouler  ways, 
desperater  ways,  nor  more  obstinate  people,  did 
I  never  meet  with."^ 

Soon  after  he  came  to  Dartmouth,  Raleigh 
arrived,  having  been  joined  with  him  in  the 
Commission.     Raleigh  was  at  this  time  in  disgrace, 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  September  igth,  1592. 


152  THE   CECILS 

owing  to  the  discovery  of  his  liaison  with  EHzabeth 
Throckmorton  (who  became  his  wife),  and  had 
consequently  had  to  give  up  the  command  of  the 
expedition  to  Frobisher.  But  when  his  crews 
returned  and  heard  that  he  was  in  prison,  their 
wrath  was  unbounded,  and  it  became  necessary 
to  send  him  down  to  pacify  them.  Cecil  notes 
that  "  his  poor  servants  to  the  number  of  a 
hundred  and  forty  goodly  men,  and  all  the 
mariners  came  to  him  with  such  shouts  and  joy, 
as  I  never  saw  a  man  more  troubled  to  quiet 
them  in  his  life.  .  .  .  Whensoever  he  is  saluted 
with  congratulations  for  liberty,  he  doth  answer, 
'  No  ;  I  am  still  the  Queen  of  England's  poor 
captive.'  I  wished  him  to  conceal  it,  because 
here  it  doth  diminish  his  credit,  which  I  do  vow 
to  you  before  God  is  greater  amongst  the  mariners 
than  I  thought  for."^ 

The  following  draft  of  a  letter  written  by  Sir 
Robert  from  Dartmouth  to  the  Queen  is  endorsed 
by  Burghley,  and  therefore  was  presumably 
approved  by  him.  All  one  can  say  of  it  is,  that 
though  Elizabeth  may  have  been  pleased  with 
such  an  effusion,  written  in  the  flamboyant  style 
then  current,  neither  Burghley  himself  nor  Sir 
Thomas  Cecil  would  ever  have  approached  her 
Majesty  in  such  terms  : — 

"  It  is  the  property  of  the  Creator,  to  accept  the  labour 
of  men,  from  the  abundance  of  their  affection,  without 
measure  of  their  abilities,  to  perform  any  action  acceptable 
to  divine  worthiness.     Herein  I  am  most  blessed  that  I 

1  To  Sir  Thomas  Heneage  (Edwards,  I.  154). 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  153 

am  a  vassal  to  His  celestial  creature,  who  pleaseth  out  of 
angelic  grace,  to  pardon  and  allow  my  careful  and  zealous 
desires.  My  services  are  attended  with  envy,  I  must  be 
offensive  to  the  multitude,  and  to  others  that  may  be 
revengeful,  who  also  have  many  and  great  friends.  I  can 
please  none  because  I  thirst  only  to  please  one,  and  malice 
is  no  less  wakeful  in  itself  than  fearful  to  others,  were  not 
my  trust  in  her  divine  justice  which  never  suffereth  her 
creatures  to  complain.  The  comfort  I  receive  of  those 
sacred  lines  are  best  expressed  in  silence,  but  I  have 
written  them  anew  in  my  heart,  and  adjoined  them  unto 
the  rest  of  my  admiring  thoughts,  which  always  travailing 
from  wonder  to  wonder  spend  themselves  in  contempla- 
tion, being  absent  and  present  in  reading  secretly  the 
story  of  marvels  in  that  more  than  human  perfection.  I 
hope  the  end  of  this  my  travail  shall  be  accepted  with  no 
less  than  the  beginning  is  vouchsafed,  for  I  have  no  other 
purpose  of  living,  but  to  witness  what  I  would  perform  if 
I  had  power.  If  I  could  do  more  than  any  man  it  were 
less  than  nothing  balanced  with  my  desires  ;  if  I  could  do 
as  much  as  all  the  world,  it  were  neither  praise  nor  thanks 
worthy  in  respect  of  the  duty  I  owe  and  the  princess 
whom  I  serve."  ^ 

To  Cecil's  character  and  abilities  at  this  time 
Bacon  has  borne  eloquent  witness.  Replying  to 
a  scurrilous  pamphlet  published  in  1592,  in  which 
Burghley  was  charged  with  bringing  into  the 
Council  his  second  son,  "  who  had  neither  wit  nor 
experience,"  he  says  : — 

"It  is  confessed  by  all  men  that  know  the  gentleman 
that  he  hath  one  of  the  rarest  and  most  excellent  wits  of 
England  ;  with  a  singular  delivery  and  application  of  the 
same,  whether  it  be  to  use  a  continued  speech,  or  to 

1  Sept.  29th.  1592  {Hatfield  MSS.,  IV.  632). 


154  THE  CECILS 

negotiate,  or  to  couch  in  writing,  or  to  make  report,  or 
discreetly  to  consider  of  the  circumstances  and  aptly  to 
draw  things  to  a  point  ;  and  all  this  joined  with  a  very 
good  nature,  and  a  great  respect  to  all  men,  as  is  daily 
more  and  more  revealed.  And  for  his  experience,  it  is 
easy  to  think  that  his  training  and  helps  hath  made  it 
already  such  as  many  that  have  served  long  prentishood 
for  it  have  not  attained  the  like.  So  as  if  it  be  true  that 
qui  beneficium  digno  dat  omnes  obligat,  not  his  father  only 
but  the  State  is  bound  unto  her  Majesty  for  the  choice  and 
employment  of  so  sufficient  and  worthy  a  gentleman."  ^ 

One  has  to  remember  that  Bacon  was  a 
candidate  for  office,  and  the  spirit  of  the  age 
encouraged  more  outspoken  flattery  of  those  in 
power  than  would  be  possible  nowadays.  Making 
every  allowance  for  Bacon's  self-seeking,  however, 
such  a  description  remains  a  high  tribute  to 
Sir  Robert's  true  merit.  And  though  Bacon  was 
his  first  cousin,  yet  he  and  his  elder  brother, 
Anthony,  had  already  thrown  in  their  lot  with 
Essex,  with  whose  party  Cecil's  rapid  rise  to  a 
position  of  influence  brought  him  into  active 
opposition.  The  Bacons  had  joined  Essex, 
chiefly  from  admiration  of  that  fascinating  person 
and  a  belief  that  he  was  the  coming  man,  but 
partly  also  out  of  jealousy  of  Cecil,  by  whom  they 
considered  themselves  slighted.  Three  years 
before,  a  correspondent  of  Anthony  Bacon  wrote, 
"  There  never  was  in  Court  such  emulation, 
such  envy,  such  backbiting,  as  is  now  at  this 
time,"  and  as  time  went  on,  and  old  Burghley's 

1  "  Observations  on  a  libel,  etc."  (Spedding's  Life  and  Letters  of 
Bacon,  I.  206). 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY   155 

influence  waned,  the  bitterness  between  the  two 
factions  increased. 

Matters  were  brought  to  a  pitch  in  1594,  by 
the  efforts  of  Essex  to  obtain  the  office  of  Attorney- 
General  for  Francis  Bacon,  to  which  the  Queen 
would  not  consent.  The  Cecils  evidently  thought 
that  Bacon,  an  untried  man,  had  no  chance  of 
receiving  so  high  a  post,  for  which  Coke,  a  man 
with  a  great  reputation  and  nine  years  Bacon's 
senior,  had  far  higher  claims.  They  therefore 
considered  it  injudicious  to  apply  for  it.  Essex, 
with  his  usual  impetuosity  and  indiscretion, 
spoilt  whatever  chance  Bacon  might  have  had 
by  urging  his  claims  on  the  Queen  in  season  and 
out  of  season.  On  one  occasion  Sir  Robert 
expressed  his  surprise  that  he  "  should  go  about 
to  spend  his  strength  in  so  unhkely  or  impossible 
a  matter,"  and  added,  "  If  at  least  your  lordship 
had  spoken  of  the  Solicitorship  that  might  be  of 
easier  digestion  to  her  Majesty."  "  Digest  me 
no  digesting,"  burst  out  the  Earl,  "  for  the 
Attorneyship  is  that  I  must  have  for  Francis 
Bacon  ;  and  in  that  will  I  spend  all  my  uttermost 
credit,  friendship  and  authority  against  whom- 
soever." The  Attorney-Generalship  was  not  filled 
up  for  a  year  (April,  1594),  but  when  it  was  finally 
decided  in  favour  of  Coke,  the  Cecils  both  backed 
Bacon  warmly  for  the  Solicitorship.  In  reply  to 
a  letter  in  which  Bacon  asks  him  to  use  his 
influence,  and  that  of  his  father  in  his  favour, 
Sir  Robert  says,  "  I  protest  I  suffer  with  you 
in  mind  that  you  are  thus  yet  gravelled  ;    but 


156  THE  CECILS 

time  will  founder  all  your  competitors  and  set 
you  on  your  feet,  or  else  I  have  little  under- 
standing."^ The  Queen,  however,  was  still  angry 
with  Bacon  on  account  of  a  speech  he  had  made  in 
Parliament  in  opposition  to  the  Subsidies  Bill 
in  the  previous  year,  and,  though  she  kept  the 
office  of  Solicitor  -  General  open  for  eighteen 
months,  she  finally  gave  it  to  Serjeant  Fleming. 
Bacon  was  always  suspicious  of  Sir  Robert,  and 
was  led  to  believe  that  he  had  "  wrought  under- 
hand "  against  him,  though  he  afterwards  con- 
fessed he  was  wrong.  Writing  to  Lord  Burghley 
in  March,  1595,  he  says  :  "  If  I  did  show  myself 
too  credulous  to  idle  hearsays  in  regard  of  my 
right  honourable  kinsman  and  good  friend,  Sir 
Robert  Cecil  (whose  good  nature  will  well  answer 
my  honest  liberty),  your  lordship  will  impute  it 
to  the  complexion  of  a  suitor  and  of  a  tired, 
sea-sick  suitor,  and  not  to  mine  own  inclination."  ^ 
The  venom  of  the  Bacons,  and  especially  of 
the  elder  brother,  against  Sir  Robert,  was  well 
shown  at  an  interview  which  Anthony  had 
with  his  aunt.  Lady  Russell,  in  September,  1596, 
and  of  which  he  sent  a  long  account  to  Essex. ^ 
Lady  Russell  was  endeavouring,  without  any 
success,  to  promote  peace  between  Bacon  and 
the  Cecils.  After  complaining  that  Burghley  was 
"  so  loth,  yea,  so  backward,"  to  advance  his 
nephews,  Anthony  said  that  Sir  Robert,  "  whether 

1  May,  1594  (Spedding,  I.  296). 

2  Spedding,  I.  358.     See  also  Bacon's  letter  to  Sir  R.  Cecil  (ibid.,  355). 
*  Birch,  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  oj  Queen  Elizabeth,  II.  136. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  157 

with  his  lordship's  privity,  God  knows,"  had 
denounced  a  deadly  feud  "  to  an  ancient  lady,  my 
mother  and  his  aunt,  swearing  that  he  held  me 
for  his  mortal  enemy,  and  would  make  me  feel 
it  when  he  could."  "  Ah,  vile  wretched  urchin," 
said  Lady  Russell  ;  "  is  it  possible  ?  "  "  Whether 
it  be  true  or  no,  madam,"  answered  Bacon,  "  I 
refer  to  my  mother,  who  marvelled  when  she  told 
me  of  it  that  I  did  but  laugh  at  it,  alleging  and 
expounding  to  her  ladyship  a  Gascon  proverb, 
which  was,  '  Brane  d'asne  ne  monte  pas  al  ciel.'  " 
"  By  God,"  replied  Lady  Russell  ;  "  but  he  is  no 
ass."  "  Let  him  go  for  a  mule  then,"  rejoined 
Bacon,  "  the  most  mischievous  beast  that  is." 
Such  is  Anthony's  version  of  the  interview,  and 
perhaps  the  best  comment  on  it  is  the  fact  that 
Lady  Russell's  strong  affection  for  Sir  Robert  is 
well  known  ;  only  three  months  before  she  had 
written  to  him  thanking  God  "  for  the  heavenly 
breath  proceeding  from  a  saint  so  sweet  and 
gracious  to  me  as  you  write."  ^ 

Sir  Robert  had  now  been  made  Secretary,  and 
Anthony  declares  that  he  "  finds  the  Secretaryship 
a  harder  province  to  govern  than  he  looked  for, 
and  inwardly  beginneth  to  be  a  weary  of  it,  as 
outwardly  the  world  is  already  of  him."^  But 
a  few  weeks  later  he  informs  his  mother  that 
Secretary  Cecil  "  had  of  late  professed  very 
seriously  an  absolute  amnesty  and  oblivion  of  all 
misconceits    passed,    with    earnest    protestation, 

1  June  15th,  1596  (Halfie/d  MSS.,  VII.  215). 

'^  Letter  to  Dr.  Hawkins,  December  nth,  1596  (Birch,  II.  227). 


158  THE   CECILS 

that  to  the  Queen,  to  his  father,  or  of  himself,  he 
would  be  glad  and  ready  to  do  Mr.  Bacon  any 
kind  ofhce  if  the  latter  would  make  proof  of 
him." 

All  this  is  very  easy  to  understand,  and  no 
part  of  his  relations  with  the  Bacons  redounds 
in  any  degree  to  the  discredit  of  Sir  Robert.  He 
did  all  he  could  for  them,  and  never  allowed  his 
attitude  towards  them  to  be  affected  by  their 
injustice  and  rancour.  "  He  had  too  much  good 
sense,  too  much  self-control  and  moderation,  to 
be  moved  by  the  perpetual  calumnies  to  which  he 
was  exposed,  wisely  remarking  :  '  He  that  will 
not  be  patient  of  slander  must  procure  himself 
a  chair  out  of  this  world's  circle.'  "  ^ 

An  examination  of  his  relations  with  Essex 
produces  still  greater  testimony  to  his  kindness 
of  heart  and  forbearance.  It  is  often  said  that 
he  and  his  future  rival  were  brought  up  together 
at  Hatfield.  But  this  is  an  exaggeration,  as 
Essex  was  not  a  member  of  Burghley's  household 
for  more  than  a  few  months.  It  is  certain  that 
Cecil  was  only  too  willing  to  be  friendly  with  him, 
but  Essex,  in  spite  of  his  extraordinary  influence 
at  Court,  felt  that  Sir  Robert  stood  in  the  way  of 
his  ambitions.  The  two  men  were,  in  fact, 
antagonistic  in  every  wa}^  The  contrast  between 
them  has  been  well  brought  out  by  John  Bruce. '-' 

"  Essex  was  what  in  those  days  was  termed  '  full  of 

1  Brewer,  English  Studies,  p.  131. 

2  In  his  Introduction  to  the  Correspondence    of    King  James    VI. 
of  Scotland  with  Sir  K.  Cecil,  &c."  (Camden  Society,  i86r). 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  159 

humours,'    wayward,    uncertain,    impatient,    fantastic, 
capricious  ;    acting  by  fits  and  starts,  upon  impulses  and 
prejudices  ;    but  ever  with  a  dash  and  brilhancy  that  were 
nearly  allied  to  genius.     Sir  Robert  Cecil  was  his  very 
contrary  in  all  these  respects.     Brought  up  at  the  feet  of 
his  pre-eminent  father,  he  acquired,  perhaps  inherited, 
the   highest    official    qualities  ;    a    calm,    quiet,    patient 
thoughtfulness,    the   power   of   mastering   and   applying 
details    however    intricate ;    diligence    that    was    never 
weary,  patience  that  could  not  be  exhausted,  temper  that 
was  seldom  ruffled,  and  a  habit  of  comparing  and  sifting 
and  weighing  and  balancing,  which  generally  led  him  to 
right  conclusions.     Essex  was  generous  in  the  highest 
degree,  a  patron  of  literature,  and  of  all  noble  and  gentle 
arts,  and  ever  ready  to  take  the  lead  in  kind  and  liberal 
deeds ;    he    was    at    the    same    time    impetuous,    fiery, 
vehement, — a  man  of  action  ;    courageous,  daring,  and 
more  than  anything  delighted  with  military  command, 
and  with  the  eclat  and  brilliancy  of  a  soldier's  life.     Cecil 
was  a  man  of  thought  and  law  and  peace,  neither  a  soldier 
himself  nor  looking  upon  war  in  any  shape  save  as  a 
necessity    to    be    deplored.     Consciousness    of    his    own 
physical  defects  kept  the  one  man  comparatively  humble  : 
consciousness  of  his  own  power  of  dazzling  and  attracting 
people,  and  of  attaching  them  to  himself,  puffed  up  the 
other,  and  led  him  into  continual  extravagances." 

Essex  was  the  leader  of  all  the  young  spirits  who 
longed  for  adventure  and  for  active  measures 
against  Spain,  while  the  policy  of  the  Cecils  was, 
above  all  things,  to  avoid  war.  Thus  Essex  found 
his  rash  schemes  constantly  opposed  and  balked, 
and  in  his  turn  he  neglected  no  opportunity  of 
thwarting  his  adversaries.  On  the  death  of  Wal- 
singham,  in  1590,  in  order  to  prevent  Cecil  from 


i6o  THE   CECILS 

being  made  Secretary,  he  first  tried  to  have 
Davison  restored  to  the  office,  and  afterwards  he 
urged  the  claims  of  Sir  Thomas  Bodley,  whose 
own  account  of  the  matter  has  a  pecuhar  interest, 
as  it  gives  the  reasons  which  induced  him  to 
retire  from  pubhc  hfe,  and  devote  himself  to  the 
formation  of  the  library  which  bears  his  name. 
He  states  that  Lord  Burghley  had  always  been 
his  friend,  and  had  told  the  Queen  that  no  man 
was  so  fit  for  the  office  of  Secretary  as  himself, 
and  adds  that  Sir  Robert  afterwards  told  him 
that  "  when  his  father  first  intended  to  advance 
him  to  that  place,  his  purpose  was  withall  to  make 
me  his  colleague."  When  he  returned  from  the 
United  Provinces  in  1597,  Essex, 

"  ...  who  sought  by  all  devices  to  divert  the 
Queen's  love  and  liking  both  from  the  father  and  the  son 
(but  from  the  son  in  special)  to  withdraw  my  affection 
from  the  one  and  the  other,  and  to  win  me  altogether  to 
depend  upon  himself,  did  so  often  take  occasion  to  enter- 
tain the  Queen  with  some  prodigal  speeches  of  my 
sufficiency  for  a  Secretary,  which  were  ever  accompanied 
with  words  of  disgrace  against  the  present  Lord  Treasurer 
[Sir  Robert],  as  neither  she  herself,  of  whose  favour  before 
I  was  thoroughly  assured,  took  any  great  pleasure  to 
prefer  me  the  sooner  .  .  .  and  both  the  Lord  Burghley 
and  his  son  waxed  jealous  of  my  courses,  as  if  underhand  I 
had  been  induced  by  the  cunning  and  kindness  of  the  Earl 
of  Essex,  to  oppose  myself  against  their  dealings.  And 
though  in  very  truth  they  had  no  solid  ground  at  all  of  the 
least  alteration  in  my  disposition  towards  either  of  them 
both  .  .  .  yet  the  now  Lord  Treasurer,  upon  occasion  of 
some  talk,  that  I  have  since  had  with  him,  of  the  Earl  and 
his  actions,  hath  freely  confessed  of  his  own  accord  unto 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  i6i 

me  that  his  daily  provocations  were  so  bitter  and  sharp 
against  him,  and  his  comparisons  so  odious,  when  he  put 
us  in  a  balance,  as  he  thought  thereupon  he  had  very 
great  reason  to  use  his  best  means,  to  put  any  man  out  of 
hope  of  raising  his  fortune,  whom  the  Earl  with  such 
violence,  to  his  extreme  prejudice,  had  endeavoured  to 
dignify." 

Bodley,  considering  "  how  very  untowardly 
these  two  Councillors  were  affected  unto  me," 
how  ill  it  became  him  to  be  known  as  a  partisan, 
and  how  well  he  was  able  to  live  for  the  "  short 
time  of  further  life,"  if  he  could  be  content  with 
a  "  competent  livelihood,"  resolved  to  take  fare- 
well of  State  employments,  and  to  "  set  up  his 
staff  at  the  Library  door  in  Oxford."^  The 
Bodleian  thus  owes  its  foundation  ultimately  to 
the  jealous  arrogance  of  the  Earl  of  Essex. 

The  Cecils,  of  course,  opposed  Essex  in  the 
matter  of  the  Cadiz  expedition  of  1596.  "  This 
day,"  writes  the  Earl  to  Anthony  Bacon,  "  I  was 
more  braved  by  your  little  cousin  than  ever  I 
was  by  any  man  in  my  life.  But  I  am  not  now 
nor  was,  angry,  which  is  all  the  advantage  I 
have  of  him."  ^  Yet,  when  it  was  once  decided 
upon.  Sir  Robert  gave  him  all  the  help  in  his 
power.  In  the  same  way  he  provided  for  all 
his  needs  in  the  "  Islands  Voyage  "  of  1597,  and 
in  his  Irish  campaign  two  years  later,  so  much  so 
that  Essex  was  led  to  exclaim,  "  You  heap  coals 

1  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Bodley  written  by  Himself.  Some  years  after- 
wards (.1604)  Cecil  tried  to  induce  Bodley  to  be  his  associate  in  the 
Secretary's  of&ce,  but  he  refused. 

2  September  8th,  1596  (Birch,  II.  131) 

C.  M 


i62  THE   CECILS 

of  kindness."  Indeed,  it  has  been  suggested  that 
Cecil  was  actuated  by  the  idea  of  giving  Essex 
rope  to  hang  himself,  feeling  sure  that  he  would 
come  to  grief  if  given  a  good  chance.  But,  as 
Brewer  points  out,  it  is  more  natural  and  probable 
to  accept  Sir  Robert's  own  explanation,  given  in  a 
letter  to  James  after  Essex  had  charged  him  with 
upholding  the  Spanish  claim  to  the  succession  : — 

"  If  I  could  have  contracted  such  a  friendship  with 
Essex,  as  could  have  given  me  security  that  his  thoughts 
and  mine  should  have  been  no  further  distant  than  the 
disproportion  of  our  fortunes,  I  should  condemn  my 
judgment  to  have  willingly  intruded  myself  into  such  an 
opposition.  For  who  know  not,  that  have  lived  in  Israel, 
that  such  were  the  mutual  affections  in  our  tender  years, 
and  so  many  reciprocal  benefits  interchanged  in  our  grow- 
ing fortunes,  as  besides  the  rules  of  my  own  poor  discre- 
tion, which  taught  me  how  perilous  it  was  for  Secretary 
Cecil  to  have  a  bitter  feud  with  an  Earl  Marshal  of  England, 
a  favourite,  a  nobleman  of  eminent  parts,  and  a  councillor, 
all  things  else  in  the  composition  of  my  mind  did  still 
concur  on  my  part  to  make  me  desirous  of  his  favour."  ^ 

At  the  time  of  Essex's  disgrace,  after  his  return 
from  Ireland,  Cecil  specially  befriended  him,  and 
did  all  he  could  to  mitigate  the  consequences  of 
his  folly.  He  prevailed  on  the  Queen  not  to 
commit  him  to  the  Tower,  but  to  place  him  under 
the  charge  of  the  Lord  Keeper,  Sir  Thomas 
Egerton,  and  he  further  obtained  permission  for 
his  wife  to  visit  him.  "  No  time  or  fortune," 
writes  the  Countess,  "  shall  ever  extinguish  in  my 

1  Correspondence  of  King  James  VI.  of  Scotland  with  Sir  R.  Cecil,  cS-c, 
p  6. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  163 

Lord  and  me  a  thankful  memory  and  due  acknow- 
ledgment of  so  undeserved  a  benefit  from  him 
whom  this  friendly  favour  assures  me  will  never 
be  proved  my  Lord's  malicious  enemy."  ^ 

"  It  was  Cecil's  speech  in  the  Star  Chamber, 
when  the  conduct  of  the  Earl  was  called  in 
question,  that  was  marked  with  a  greater  tone  of 
moderation  than  that  of  any  other  of  the  judges. 
When,  to  avoid  being  tried  in  the  Chamber,  the 
Earl,  at  his  own  request,  was  brought  before  a 
Commission,  though  Cecil  condemned  him  for 
abandoning  his  post  contrary  to  the  Queen's 
command,  he  mitigated  the  severity  of  his  remarks 
by  giving  Essex  credit  for  his  services  in  Ireland. 
His  conduct  on  this  and  other  occasions,  when 
the  Earl  was  concerned,  won  for  him  general 
approbation.  '  Sir  Robert  Cecil,'  says  a  writer 
of  the  time,  by  no  means  his  indiscriminate 
admirer,-  '  is  highly  commended  for  his  wise  and 
temperate  proceeding  in  this  matter,  showing  no 
gall,  though  perhaps  he  had  been  galled,  if  not 
by  the  Earl,  by  some  of  his  dependants.  By 
employing  his  credit  with  her  Majesty  in  behalf 
of  the  Earl,  he  has  gained  great  credit,  both  at 
home  and  abroad.'  "^ 

It  was  certainly  mainly  owing  to  Cecil  that 
Essex  was  let  off  so  lightly,  yet  his  followers 
assailed  Sir  Robert  with  every  species  of  insult. 
"  They  posted  lampoons  on  his  doors  in  Sahsbury 

1  December  12th,  1599  [Hatfield  MSS.,  IX.  411). 

2  John  Petit,  June  14th,  iGoo  [Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 
^  Brewer,  p.  140. 

M  2 


i64  THE   CECILS 

Street  and  elsewhere,  '  Here  lieth  the  toad  at 
Court,  and  here  Heth  the  toad  at  London.'  They 
attributed  to  him  '  the  injustice,'  as  they  were 
pleased  to  call  it,  of  keeping  Essex  in  prison.  They 
vilified  his  person  in  taverns  and  eating-houses, 
observing  '  that  it  was  an  unwholesome  thing  to 
meet  a  man  in  the  morning  who  had  a  wry  neck, 
a  crooked  back,  and  a  splay  foot.'  So  powerful 
was  the  influence  of  the  Earl,  and  so  audacious 
were  his  followers,  that  none  dared  to  contradict 
them."  ^  It  must  be  remembered  that  Essex  was 
the  popular  favourite,  and  that  the  people  were 
quite  in  the  dark  as  to  the  nature  of  his  offence. 
Then  came  the  fiasco  of  the  Essex  rebellion. 
One  of  the  Earl's  cries  was  that  "  the  Crown  of 
England  was  offered  to  be  sold  to  the  Infanta,'* 
and  at  his  trial  he  tried  to  justify  himself  by  saying 
that  Cecil  had  maintained  to  one  of  his  fellow- 
councillors  that  the  title  of  the  Infanta  to  the 
Crown  was  as  good  as  any  other.  Whereupon  a. 
dramatic  scene  occurred.  "  Upon  this  his  allega- 
tion, Mr.  Secretary,  standing  out  of  sight  in  a 
private  place,  only  to  hear  (being  much  moved 
with  so  false  and  foul  an  accusation),  came 
suddenly  forth  and  made  humble  request  to  the 
Lord  Steward  that  he  might  have  the  favour  to 
answer  for  himself."  This  being  granted,  Cecil 
made  an  eloquent  speech  in  his  own  defence, 
and  finally  urged  that  the  name  of  Essex's 
informant  might  be  given.  This  Essex  refused, 
but  stated  that  the  Earl  of  Southampton  had  alsoj 

1  Brewer,  p.  140. 


THE   FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  165 

heard  the  same  report.  "  Whereupon  Cecil 
adjured  the  Earl  of  Southampton  by  all  former 
friendship  (which  had  been,  indeed,  very  great 
between  them)  that  he  would  declare  the  person  ; 
which  he  did  presently,  and  said  it  was  Mr.  Comp- 
troller (Sir  William  Knollys)."  At  Cecil's  request 
Knollys  was  sent  for,  and  being  questioned, 
stated  that  about  two  years  before,  during  a 
casual  conversation,  "  Mr.  Secretary  told  him 
that  one,  Doleman,  had  maintained  in  a  book 
(not  long  since  printed)  that  the  Infanta  of  Spain 
had  a  good  title  to  the  Crown  of  England  :  which 
was  all  that  ever  he  heard  Mr.  Secretary  speak  ot 
that  matter."  ^  This  was  the  whole  foundation 
of  the  story,  and  it  turned  out  that  Doleman  had 
actually  dedicated  his  book  to  Essex.  The  Earl 
now  apologised  for  his  misunderstandings,  where- 
upon Cecil  exclaimed  :  "  Your  misunderstanding 
arose  from  your  opposition  to  peace.  It  was 
your  ambition  that  every  military  man  should 
look  up  to  you  as  his  patron,  and  hence  you  sought 
to  represent  me  and  the  councillors,  who  wished 
to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  as  the  pensioners  of 
Spain.  I  confess  I  have  said,"  he  continued,  "  that 
the  King  of  Spain  is  a  competitor  of  the  Crown  of 
England,  and  that  the  King  of  Scots  is  a  com- 
petitor, and  my  Lord  of  Essex,  I  have  said,  is 
a  competitor  ;  for  he  would  depose  the  Queen, 
and  call  a  Parliament,  and  so  be  King  himself  ; 
but  as  to  my  affection  to  advance  the  Spanish 

1  Official  "  Declaration  of  the  Treasons,  &c.,"  printed  by  Spedding, 
II.  279 — 281. 


i66  THE  CECILS 

title  to  England,  I  am  so  far  from  it  that  my 
mind  is  astonished  to  think  of  it,  and  I  pray  to 
God  to  consume  me  where  I  stand  if  I  hate  not 
the  Spaniard  as  much  as  any  man  living." 

We  have  anticipated  and  must  return.  In 
1589  Cecil  had  married  Elizabeth  Brooke,  sister 
of  the  notorious  Lord  Cobham,  and  of  George 
Brooke.  They  had  three  children,  a  boy,  William, 
afterwards  second  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  two 
daughters,  Frances,  who  married  Henry  Clifford, 
Earl  of  Cumberland,  and  Catherine,  who  died  in 
infancy.  Lady  Cecil  died  in  January,  1597,  and 
the  occasion  drew  forth  several  letters  of  affection 
and  sympathy.  That  from  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
is  interesting,  not  only  intrinsically,  but  also,  as 
has  been  pointed  out  before,  because  indirectly  it 
bears  witness  to  the  character  of  the  recipient. 
"  No  one  who  knew  Robert  Cecil  so  intimately 
as  Raleigh  did,  would  have  written  thus,  save 
under  the  conviction  that  the  man  to  whom  he 
was  giving  such  consolation  as  he  then  had  to 
give  had  loved  truly  and  would  grieve  deeply."  ^ 
Part  of  this  letter  must  be  quoted  : — 

"  Sir,  because  I  know  not  how  you  dispose  of  yourself, 
I  forbear  to  visit  you,  preferring  your  pleasing  before  mine 
own  desire.  I  had  rather  be  with  you  now  than  at  any 
other  time ;  if  I  could  thereby  either  take  off  from  you 
the  burden  of  your  sorrows  or  lay  the  greatest  part  thereof 
on  mine  own  heart.  In  the  meantime,  I  would  put  you 
in  mind  of  this,  that  you  should  not  overshadow  your 
wisdom  with  passion,  but  look  aright  unto  things  as  they 
are.     There  is  no  man  sorry  for  death  itself,  but  only  for 

*  Edwards,  Lije  of  Raleigh,  II.  157. 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  167 

the  time  of  death  ;  everyone  knowing  that  it  is  a  bond 
never  forfeited  to  God.  If  then  we  know  the  same  to  be 
certain  and  inevitable,  we  ought  withal  to  take  the  time 
of  his  arrival  in  as  good  part  as  the  knowledge,  and  not 
to  lament  at  the  instant  of  every  seeming  adversity  ; 
which  we  are  assured  have  been  on  their  way  towards  us 
from  the  beginning.  It  appertaineth  to  every  man  of  a 
wise  and  worthy  spirit  to  draw  together  into  suffrance 
the  unknown  future  to  the  known  present ;  looking  no  less 
with  the  eyes  of  the  mind  than  with  those  of  the  body,  the 
one  beholding  afar  off  and  the  other  at  hand,  that  those 
things  of  this  world  in  which  we  live  be  not  strange  unto 
us  when  they  approach,  as  to  feebleness  which  is  moved 
with  novelties,  but  that  like  true  men  participating 
immortality  and  know  [ing]  our  destinies  to  be  of  God, 
we  should  then  make  our  estates  and  wishes,  our  fortunes 
and  desires  all  one.  It  is  true  that  you  have  lost  a  good 
and  virtuous  wife  and  myself  an  honourable  friend  and 
kinswoman  ;  but  there  was  a  time  when  she  was  unknown 
to  you,  for  whom  you  then  lamented  not.  She  is  now  no 
more  yours,  nor  of  your  acquaintance,  but  immortal,  and 
not  needing  and  knowing  your  love  and  sorrow.  There- 
fore you  shall  but  grieve  for  that  which  now  is,  as  then  it 
was  when  not  yours  :  only  bettered  by  the  difference  in 
this,  that  she  hath  past  the  wearisome  journey  of  this 

dark  world,  and  hath  possession  of  her  inheritance 

"  Yours  beyond  ever  the  power  of  words  to  utter, 

"  W.  Ralegh."  ^ 

Another  friend  who  wrote  in  a  similar  strain  of 
pious  exhortation  and  affection  was  Lord  Howard 
of  Effingham,  the  Lord  Admiral. 

"  The  Lord's  will  must  be  fulfilled  "  he  says,  "  and  she 
was  too  virtuous  and  good  to  live  in  so  wretched  a  world 

1  January  24th,  1597  [Hatfield  MSS.,  VII.  35).  At  this  time  the 
friendship  between  Cecil  and  Raleigh  was  close,  Sir  Walter  being,  of 
course,  strongly  opposed  to  Essex. 


•i'6S  THE  CECILS 

and  you  that  hath  an  extraordinary  judgment  by  His 
gifts  that  doth  all  must  with  that  wisdom  seek  now  to 
master  your  good  and  kind  nature  and  to  think  that 
sorrow  nor  anything  else  can  now  redeem  it.  And  as  she 
is  now  most  assured  happier  than  all  we  that  live  in  this 
'  pudeled  '  and  troubled  world,  so  do  I  assure  you,  as  long 
as  God  shall  spare  me  life  in  it,  there  shall  not  be  any 
tread  on  the  earth  that  shall  love  you  better  than  my 
poor  self ;  and  I  vow  it  to  God  I  think  none  doth  or  can 
do  so  much  as  I  do."  ^ 

But  it  was  long  before  the  Secretary  could 
rouse  himself  from  his  grief,  and  in  June  his  aunt, 
Lady  Russell,  found  it  necessary  to  give  him  a 
characteristic  exhortation  : — 

"  If  you  be  so  without  comfort  of  worldly  delight  as  you 
seem,  it  is  most  ill  to  the  health  of  your  both  body  and 
soul ;  I  speak  by  experience,  and  know  too  well  that  to 
be  true  which  I  say  ;  and,  therefore,  both  am  sorry  to 
hear  it,  and  beseech  the  God  of  all  consolation  and 
comfort  to  remedy  it,  with  giving  you  a  contrary  mind. 
Else  will  you  find  the  Daemonius  meridianus  to  creep  so 
far  into  your  heart,  with  his  variety  of  virtues,  seeming 
good  to  be  yielded  to  (melancholy  I  mean)  as  in  the  end 
will  shorten  life  by  cumbrous  conceits  and  sickness  :  and 
when  it  is  rooted  so  as  with  peevish  persuasions  of  good 
thereby  and  solitary  ejaculations,  it  will  bring  forth  the 
fruit  of  stupidity,  forgetfulness  of  your  natural  disposition 
of  sweet  and  apt  speeches,  fit  for  your  place  :  and  instead 
thereof  breed  and  make  you  a  surly,  sharp,  sour  plum, 
no  better  than  in  truth  a  very  melancholy  mole  and  a 
misanthropos  hateful  to  God  and  man  ;  and  only  with 
persuasions  seeming  holy,  wise  and  good."  ^ 

Although     Cecil    had    been     transacting     the 

»  January  25th,  1597  {Hatfield  MSS..  VII.  39). 
2  Ibid..  VII.  281. 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  169 

business  of  Secretary  for  several  years,  he  was 
not  actually  appointed  to  the  office  until  1596, 
during  the  absence  of  Essex  on  the  Cadiz 
expedition.  In  the  following  year  he  was  made 
Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  a  position 
which  he  resigned  when  he  succeeded  to  the 
Mastership  of  the  Court  of  Wards  after  his  father's 
death.  In  February,  1598,  he  was  sent  on  an 
embassy  to  France,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
prevent  Henry  IV.  from  contracting  an  alliance 
with  Spain.  He  was  loth  to  go,  and  extracted 
a  promise  from  Essex  that  he  would  do  nothing 
to  his  prejudice  during  his  absence.  Among  the 
many  letters  of  congratulation  he  received  on 
this  occasion  one,  from  Dr.  Mount,  must  have 
given  him  great  satisfaction,  for  he  announced 
that  he  was  sending  him  "  two  glasses  of  compound 
distilled  water,  the  one  of  cinnamon,  the  other 
of  sage,  both  comfortable  if  at  any  time  in  your 
travel  you  shall  find  yourself  in  health  not  well 
affected,  one  spoonful  or  two  at  one  time,  with 
half  so  much  sugar."  ^ 

His  mission  was  successful,  but  while  he  was  in 
France  he  received  news  of  his  father's  illness  and 
hurried  home,  though  Lord  Burghley  lived  till 
the  following  August.  During  this  time,  and  still 
more  after  his  death.  Sir  Robert  must  have  been 
overwhelmed  with  work.  "  In  your  industry," 
writes  Sir  Charles  Danvers,  "  you  seem  to  have 
drawn  the  offices  of  all  other  men  into  your  own 

1  Hatfield  MSS..  VIII.  38. 


170  THE  CECILS 

hands."  ^  Certainly  the  correspondence  at  Hat- 
field shows  that  everybody  with  any  grievance, 
public  or  private,  thought  Cecil  the  right  man  to 
apply  to  for  relief.  A  typical  appeal  is  presented 
in  the  following  letter  from  a  Mrs.  Anne  Wilham- 
son  : — ^ 

"  I  lived  happily  "wdth  my  husband  for  twelve  years, 
until  for  causes  to  me  unknown  he  was  committed  to  the 
Tower.  Now,  being  released  from  thence,  he  utterly 
rejects  my  company.  I  have  tried  the  mediation  of 
friends  without  avail.  He  yields  me  no  relief,  although 
at  his  request  I  sold  and  conveyed  away  my  jointure, 
without  assurance  of  other  living.  Wherefore,  forcedly 
and  with  shame,  I  have  presumed  to  trouble  your  Honour, 
to  whom  the  reformation  of  such  demeanours  doth 
appertain." 

1  June  2oth.  1598  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 

2  November  6th,  1598  {Hatfield  MSS.,  VIII.  430). 


CHAPTER   IX 

ROBERT   CECIL,    FIRST   EARL   OF   SALISBURY 

(continued) 

On  the  death  of  Essex  (February,  1601)  the 
power  and  influence  of  Sir  Robert  were  largely 
enhanced.  While  Essex  lived,  he  would  tolerate 
no  division  of  service.  Those  who  followed  him, 
must  give  no  allegiance  to  Cecil.  "  As  for  your 
Honour,"  wrote  Sir  F.  Gorges  after  Essex's 
death,  "  the  opposition  was  so  apparent  between 
you  two  as  there  was  no  possibility  for  me  to 
'  interest '  myself  in  you  without  abjuring  of 
him,  and  so  must  have  manifested  my  dishonest 
humour  and  fickle  disposition.  ...  I  vow  to  God 
I  did  endeavour,  by  what  means  I  was  able,  the 
reconciliation  of  your  Honour  and  him  ;  but  he 
answered  me  that  he  would  receive  no  good  from 
you  or  by  your  means.  The  truth  of  this  his 
soul  can  testify."  ^  But  when  Essex  was  dead, 
his  followers  soon  transferred  their  allegiance  to 
his  former  rival. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Cecil  entered  upon  the 
"  secret  correspondence  "  with  King  James  of 
Scotland,  which  had  so  great  an  influence,  not 
only  on  his  own  fortunes,  but  on  the  future  of 

1  April  27th,  1601  {Hatfield  MSS.,  XI.  179  ;   and  see  Introduction  to 
that  volume). 


172  THE  CECILS 

England.  Hitherto,  misled  by  the  slanders  of 
Essex,  with  whom  he  had  been  in  correspondence 
for  some  time,  James  had  looked  upon  Sir  Robert 
as  an  adherent  of  the  Spanish  cause.  Moreover, 
he  could  not  forget  the  death  of  his  mother,  for 
which  he  considered  Cecil's  father  responsible. 
Light  is  thrown  upon  this  point,  as  well  as  on  the 
essential  loyalty  of  Cecil,  by  the  following  letter 
written  by  the  Master  of  Gray  to  James,  in 
December,  1600.^ 

"  Of  one  thing  I  am  sorry,  that  your  Majesty  should 
speak  so  hardly  of  Mr.  Secretary  Cecil,  for  that  you  allege 
my  Lord  his  father  '  cuttit  '  your  mother's  throat.  I  am 
assured  your  Majesty  knoweth  that  I  know  more  in  that 
nor  any  Scottish  or  English  living,  the  Queen  excepted, 
and  that  for  I  do  remember  your  Majesty  of  a  note  I  gave 
you  in  that  matter  ;  that  the  Earl  of  Leicester  or  Sir 
Francis  Walsingham  were  only  the  cutters  of  her  throat, 
and  inducers  of  Davison  to  do  as  he  did.  I  take  on  my 
conscience  it  was  far  from  the  Queen  or  his  father's  mind 
that  she  should  die  when  she  died,  as  I  have  yet  some 
witnessing  in  the  world.  And,  Sir,  I  assure  you  this,  that 
if  your  Majesty  shall  fall  again  in  good  course  with  the 
Queen,  Mr.  Secretary  will  prove  as  good  a  friend  as  you 
have  in  all  England.  Let  them  inform  you  of  him  as  they 
please,  but  think  never  to  have  him  otherways,  for  he  has 
sworn  to  me  that  if  he  knew  to  be  the  greatest  subject  that 
England  ever  bred,  he  shall  nevci-  serve  any  other  prince 
after  the  Queen.  And  I  think  if  it  were  not  for  love  and 
obligation,  he  would  never  endure  the  excess  trouble  he 
has  presently,  nor  almost  is  it  possible  for  him  to  serve  so 
'  penibly,'  for  albeit  he  has  a  very  well  composed  mind, 

*  Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  414.     See  also  another  letter  in  very  similar 
terms,  June  I3tli,  1602  (ibid.,  XII.  18). 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  173 

yet  the  ability  of  the  body  is  so  discrepant  that  it  cannot 
correspond  the  capacity  of  the  mind." 

Probably  the  incident  already  recorded  at  the 
Essex  trial  convinced  the  King  that  he  had  been 
mistaken  as  to  Cecil's  opinions  with  regard  to 
Spain.  The  Master  of  Gray,  no  doubt,  testified 
to  his  innocence  in  this  matter  also,  for  Sir  Robert 
writes  to  him  :  ^  "  I  do  thank  you  for  the  assump- 
tion in  my  behalf  that  I  was  never  so  foul  nor  so 
fooHsh  as  to  traffic  with  the  Spaniards,  either  by 
your  means  or  by  any  earthly  creature.  God 
hath  forgiven  his  soul,  I  hope,  who  was  the  author 
of  that  poor  invention."  James,  at  any  rate,  made 
overtures  to  Cecil  through  his  ambassadors,  and 
the  "  secret  correspondence  "  was  the  result. 
Sir  Robert's  motives  in  this  matter  are  beyond 
suspicion.  The  Queen  was  growing  old  and 
infirm,  and  it  was  essential  that  all  arrangements 
with  regard  to  the  succession  should  be  perfected 
before  her  death.  Yet  it  was  a  subject  on  which 
no  public  or  official  action  could  be  taken,  since 
the  Queen  refused  to  discuss  it.  By  coming  to 
an  understanding  with  James,  Cecil  ensured  his 
peaceful  succession,  and  saved  the  country  from 
the  dangers  arising  from  rival  claims,  including 
the  horrible  possibility  of  the  Papists  and  the 
Spanish  faction  winning  the  day.  He  was  also 
able  to  impress  on  James  the  necessity  of  avoiding 
any  premature  action,  and  to  give  him  much 
sound  advice. 

It  was  obviously  necessary  to  keep  this  corre- 

1  July  9th,  1601  {Hatfield  MSS.,  XI.  272). 


174  THE   CECILS 

spondence  private,  lest  the  Queen's  suspicions 
should  be  aroused,  but  on  one  occasion  the  secret 
nearly  leaked  out.  The  story  is  told  by  Sir 
Henry  Wot  ton.  ^ 

"  The  Queen  having  for  a  good  while  not  heard  anything 
from  Scotland,  and  being  thirsty  of  news,  it  fell  out  that  her 
Majesty,  going  to  take  the  air  towards  the  Heath  (the 
Court  being  then  at  Greenwich) ,  and  Master  Secretary  Cecil 
then  attending  her,  a  post  came  crossing  by  and  blew  his 
horn.  The  Queen,  out  of  curiosity,  asked  him  from 
whence  the  despatch  came,  and  being  answered  '  From 
Scotland,'  she  stops  the  coach  and  calleth  for  the  packet. 
The  Secretary,  though  he  knew  there  were  in  it  some  letters 
from  his  correspondents,  which  to  discover  were  as  so 
many  serpents,  yet  made  more  show  of  diligence  than  of 
doubt  to  obey,  and  asks  some  one  that  stood  by  (forsooth 
in  great  haste),  for  a  knife  to  cut  up  the  packet  (for  other- 
wise he  might  have  awaked  a  little  apprehension)  ;  but 
in  the  meantime  approaching  with  the  packet  in  his  hand, 
at  a  pretty  distance  from  the  Queen,  he  telleth  her  it 
looked  and  smelt  ill-favouredly,  coming  out  of  a  filthy 
budget,  and  that  it  should  be  fit  first  to  open  and  air  it, 
because  he  knew  she  was  averse  from  ill  scents.  And  so, 
being  dismissed  home,  he  got  leisure  by  this  seasonable 
shift,  to  sever  what  he  would  not  have  seen." 

The  correspondence  began  between  March  and 
June,  1601,  and  seven  letters  exist  from  James  to 
Cecil,  and  six  from  Cecil  to  James,^  besides  others 
through  intermediaries.  Cecil's  first  letter  is  of 
special  importance,  as  it  "  contains  an  explanation 
of  his  past  conduct,  a  vindication  of  the  steps 

'  Reliq.  Wotlon  ,  ed.  1672,  p.  169.     Quoted  by  Bruce,  p.  xxxix. 
"^  There  is  a  mistake  in  the  numbering  by  Bruce. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  175 

taken  by  him  in  opening  up  this  secret  communi- 
cation, a  full  assurance  of  the  state  of  the  Queen's 
mind,  and  plain  advice  with  respect  to  James's 
future  conduct."  He  protests  his  absolute  loyalty 
to  the  Queen. 

"  I  do  herein  truly  and  religiously  profess  before  God, 
that  if  I  could  accuse  myself  to  have  once  imagined  a 
thought  which  could  amount  to  a  grain  of  error  towards 
my  dear  and  precious  Sovereign,  or  could  have  discerned 
(by  the  overtures  of  your  ministers)  that  you  had  enter- 
tained an  opinion  or  desire  to  draw  me  one  point  from  my 
individual  centre,  I  should  wish  with  all  my  heart  that  all 
I  have  done  or  shall  do,  might  be  converted  to  my  own 
perdition." 

But  when  he  heard  of  the  "  foul  impressions  " 
which  James  continued  to  receive  concerning  him, 
he  found  it  necessary 

"  to  pluck  up  quickly  by  the  roots  those  gross  inventions 
of  my  conspiracies.  .  .  ,  For  when  I  perceived  that  the 
practices  which  were  used  to  disgrace  me,  must  conse- 
quently have  settled  an  apprehension  in  you  of  an  aliena- 
tion of  heart  in  her  Majesty  towards  you,  which  must  have 
mortised  an  opinion  in  your  mind,  that  she  must  needs  be 
inchned  (if  not  resolved)  to  cut  off  the  natural  branch  and 
graft  upon  some  wild  stock,  seeing  those  that  held  the 
nearest  place  about  her  were  described  to  be  so  full  of 
pernicious  practices  against  your  Majesty,  I  did  think  it 
my  duty  to  remove  that  inference,  by  that  occasion  which 
was  offered  me  upon  your  Ambassadors  being  here, 
though  I  assure  myself,  it  being  known  would  prejudice 
me  in  her  Majesty's  judgment,  of  whom  that  language 
which  would  be  tunable  in  other  princes'  ears  would  jar  in 
hers,  whose  creature  I  am.  But,  Sir,  I  know  it  holdeth  so 
just  proportion,  even  with  strictest  loyalty  and  soundest 


176  THE   CECILS 

reason,  for  faithful  ministers  to  conceal  sometime  both 
thought  and  action  from  princes,  when  they  are  persuaded 
it  is  for  their  own  greater  service,  as  albeit  I  did  observe 
the  temperature  of  your  mind  (in  all  your  courses)  to  be 
such  as  gave  me  great  hopes  that  you  would  do  always 
like  yourself,  yet  I  was  still  jealous,  lest  some  such  cause- 
less despair  of  the  Queen's  just  intentions  might  be 
wrought  into  you,  as  might  make  you  (though  happily  not 
dissolve  the  main  bond  of  honour  and  amity)  plunge  your- 
self unawares  into  some  such  actions,  as  might  engage  all 
honest  men,  out  of  present  duty,  to  oppose  themselves  so 
far  against  you,  as  they  would  stand  in  doubt  hereafter 
what  you  would  do,  in  the  future,  towards  those  which 
should  so  lately  have  offended  you.  Wherein  I  will  only 
for  the  present  lay  down  this  position,  which  I  know  I  can 
justly  maintain.  That  it  is  and  will  be,  in  no  man's  power 
on  earth,  so  much  as  your  own,  to  be  faher  fortimae  iuae." 

He  further  counsels  James  as  to  his  future 
conduct  towards  the  Queen,  "  to  whose  sex  and 
quality  nothing  is  so  improper  as  either  needless 
expostulations  or  overmuch  curiosity  in  her  own 
actions." 

In  a  later  letter  Cecil  prophesies  that  "  when 
that  day  (so  grievous  to  us)  shall  happen,  which 
is  the  tribute  of  all  mortal  creatures,  your  ship 
shall  be  steered  into  the  right  harbour,  without 
cross  of  wave  or  tide  that  shall  be  able  to  turn 
over  a  cock-boat."  This  prediction  was  fulfilled. 
Elizabeth  died  in  the  early  morning  of  March  24th, 
1603.  Within  three  hours,  the  Council  had  met 
and  agreed  to  the  proclamation  of  James's 
accession,  which  Cecil  had  drawn  up  in  readiness. 
"  At  ten  o'clock  the  ceremony  of  proclamation 


ROBERT,   FIRST  EARL   OF   SALISBURY,    K.G. 


Gheeraedts 


THE   FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  177 

was  commenced  at  Whitehall  Gate,  at  eleven  it 
was  repeated  at  the  Cross  in  Cheapside,  and  that 
same  night  printed  copies  of  the  proclamation 
were  transmitted  to  the  new  Sovereign.  Before 
he  received  them,  the  voice  of  the  nation  had 
fully  ratified  the  act  of  the  Council ;  the  wiU  of 
Henry  VIII.  had  been  set  aside  ;  all  questions 
respecting  inheritable  blood  had  been  passed 
over ;  James  I.  was  in  full  possession,  and  the 
act  of  statesmanship  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil  was 
complete."  ^ 

He  soon  reaped  his  reward.  "  James's  first 
thought  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  Queen's 
death,  was  to  express  his  thanks  to  Cecil  for  his 
careful  attention  to  his  interests.  '  How  happy 
I  think  myself,'  he  wrote,  '  by  the  conquest  of  so 
faithful  and  so  wise  a  counsellor,  I  reserve  it  to 
be  expressed  out  of  my  own  mouth  unto  you.' 
The  confidence  which  James  thus  bestowed  was 
never  withdrawn  as  long  as  Cecil  lived."  ^  He 
also  gained  a  full  share  of  those  honours  of  which 
Elizabeth  was  so  chary.  On  his  way  to  London, 
James  spent  ten  days  at  Theobalds,  and  took  the 
opportunity  to  raise  his  host  to  the  peerage,  with 
the  title  of  Baron  Cecil  of  Essendon  (May  13th, 
1603).  In  August,  1604,  he  was  created  Viscount 
Cranborne,^  and  in  May,  1605,  Earl  of  Salisbury. 
He  obtained  the  Garter  in  1606. 

1  Bruce,  Introduction,  p.  liv. 

2  Gardiner,  History  of  England,  I.  91. 

*  The  manor  of  Cranborne  was  not  actually  or  formally  granted  to 
him  till  i6ii,  but  he  began  the  restoration  and  enlargement  of  the 
Manor  House  some  years  before  that  date. 

C.  N 


17S  THE  CECILS 

But  in  spite  of  these  marks  of  the  King*s 
appreciation,  he  cannot  have  been  a  happy  man. 
In  Ehzabeth  he  had  lost  his  best  friend,  the  very 
centre  of  his  Ufe,  and  though  he  worked  loyally 
for  James,  he  can  never  have  been  in  full  sympathy 
with  his  aims  and  methods.  When  congratulated 
on  not  being  obliged  to  speak  to  the  King  kneeling, 
as  he  was  used  to  do  to  Elizabeth,  he  replied 
"  I  wish  to  God  that  I  spoke  still  on  my  knees." 
Since  his  father's  death,  he  had  led  a  lonely  life, 
and  devoted  as  he  was  to  work,  he  hated  the 
intrigues  and  gaieties  of  the  Court.  No  wonder 
that  he  wrote  to  Sir  John  Harington,  in  1603  : — 

"  Good  Knight,  rest  content  and  give  heed  to  one  that 
hath  sorrowed  in  the  bright  lustre  of  a  Court,  and  gone 
heavily  even  on  the  best  seeming  fair  ground.  'Tis  a 
great  task  to  prove  one's  honesty,  and  yet  not  mar  one's 
fortune.  You  have  tasted  a  little  hereof  in  our  blessed 
Queen's  time,  who  was  more  than  a  man,  and,  in  truth, 
sometimes  less  than  a  woman — I  wish  I  waited  now  in 
your  presence  chamber,  with  ease  at  my  food,  and  rest  in 
my  bed.  I  am  pushed  from  the  shore  of  comfort,  and 
know  not  where  the  winds  and  waves  of  a  Court  will  bear 
me.  I  know  it  bringeth  little  comfort  on  earth  ;  and  he 
is,  I  reckon,  no  wise  man,  that  looketh  this  way  to  heaven." 

He  certainly  deserved  his  honours.  "  The 
labours  which  he  underwent,"  says  Gardiner, 
*'  were  enormous.  As  Secretary,  he  had  to 
conduct  the  whole  of  the  Civil  administration  of 
the  kingdom,  to  keep  his  eye  upon  the  plots  and 
conspiracies  which  were  bursting  out  in  every 
direction,  to  correspond  with  the  Irish  Govern- 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  179 

ment  and  to  control  its  policy,  and  to  carry  on 
through  the  various  ambassadors  complicated 
negotiations  with  every  State  of  importance  in 
Europe.  Besides  all  this,  when  Parliament  was 
sitting,  it  was  on  him  that  the  duty  chiefly 
devolved  of  making  the  policy  of  the  Government 
palatable  to  the  House  of  Commons,  of  replying 
to  all  objections,  and  of  obtaining  the  King's 
consent  to  the  necessary  alterations.  As  if  all 
this  were  not  enough,  during  the  last  few  years 
of  his  life  he  undertook  the  office  of  Treasurer  in 
addition  to  that  of  Secretary.  Upon  him  fell  all 
the  burden  of  the  attempt  which  he  made  to 
restore  to  a  sound  condition  the  disordered 
finances,  and  of  mastering  the  numerous  details 
from  which  alone  he  could  obtain  the  knowledge 
necessary  in  order  to  remedy  the  evil." 

It  is  impossible  here  to  touch  upon  all  these 
manifold  activities,  but  a  brief  account  must  be 
given  of  the  "  plots  and  conspiracies  "  (especially 
in  so  far  as  they  concern  Cecil's  relations  with 
Raleigh)  ;  of  the  religious  question  and  his  policy 
towards  Catholics  and  Puritans ;  and  of  his 
financial  measures. 

Soon  after  James's  accession,  a  Catholic 
conspiracy,  known  as  the  "  Bye  Plot,"  came  to 
light,  and  during  the  examination  of  the  prisoners, 
another  and  more  formidable  plot  was  discovered, 
in  which  Raleigh  and  his  friend.  Lord  Cobham, 
were  imphcated.  What  the  whole  rights  and 
wrongs  of  the  matter  were  will  never  be  known, 
but  Raleigh  had  certainly  laid  himself  open  to 

N  2 


i8o  THE   CECILS 

suspicion.  He  was  admittedly  the  intimate  friend 
of  Cobham,  a  thorough  scoundrel,  and  he  had 
been  the  confidant  of  his  designs,  even  if,  as  seems 
probable,  he  had  not  countenanced  or  assisted  in 
them.  Cecil  had  suspected  him  of  disaffection 
even  before  James  came  to  the  throne,  and  since 
then  he  had  been  deprived  of  his  office  of  Captain 
of  the  Guard,  and  of  the  lucrative  post  of  Warden 
of  the  Stannaries,  and  had  every  reason  to  be 
discontented.  "  Whatever  may  be  the  truth  on 
this  diffiicult  subject,"  says  Gardiner,  "  there  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  Cecil  at  least  acted  in 
perfect  good  faith,"  and  he  easily  disposes  of  the 
ridiculous  theory  that  the  whole  conspiracy  was  a 
trick  got  up  by  Cecil. 

The  relations  between  the  two  men  had  pre- 
viously been  intimate.  Raleigh's  letter  on  the 
death  of  Lady  Cecil  has  already  been  quoted. 
Other  letters  at  Hatfield  give  further  proof  of 
their  friendship.  "  Sir  Walter,"  writes  Cecil's 
young  son,  William,  "  we  must  all  exclaim  and 
cry  out  because  you  will  not  come  down.  You 
being  absent,  we  are  like  soldiers  that  when  their 
Captain  is  absent  they  know  not  what  to  do  : 
you  are  so  busy  about  idle  matters.  Sir  Walter, 
I  will  be  plain  with  you.  I  pray  you  leave  all 
idle  matters  and  come  down  to  us."  ^ 

Moreover,  for  the  past  two  or  three  years 
Cecil  had  been  a  partner  with  Raleigh  and 
Cobham     in     various     privateering     enterprises, 

1  1600  {Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  459).  Cecil  lent  Raleigh  ;^4,ooo  in  1602, 
but,  perhaps,  this  is  not  a  sign  of  friendship. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  i8i 

and  though  he  complained  to  Sir  G.  Carew 
that  they  "  used  him  unkindly,"  his  inti- 
macy and  trust  in  Raleigh  is  shown  by  a  letter 
written  so  late  as  January,  1603,  concerning 
one  of  their  vessels  which  had  made  captures  of 
a  more  than  doubtful  nature ;  in  it  he  says : 
"  I  pray  you,  as  much  as  may  be,  conceal  our 
adventure,  or  at  the  least  my  name,  above  any 
other.  For  though,  I  thank  God,  I  have  no  other 
meaning  than  becometh  an  honest  man  in  any  of 
my  actions,  yet  that  which  were  another  man's 
Pater  noster,  would  be  accounted  in  me  a  charm."  ^ 

At  Raleigh's  trial,  Cecil,  at  his  first  intervention 
in  the  proceedings,  proclaimed  both  his  old 
friendship  for  the  prisoner  and  his  present  sus- 
picions. "  I  am  divided  in  myself,"  he  began, 
"  and  at  great  dispute  what  to  say  of  this  gentle- 
man at  the  bar.  For  it  is  impossible,  be  the 
obligation  never  so  great,  but  the  affections  of 
nature  and  love  will  show  themselves.  A  former 
dearness  betwixt  me  and  this  gentleman  tied 
upon  the  knot  of  his  virtues,  though  slacked  since 
by  his  actions,  I  cannot  but  acknowledge  ;  and 
the  most  of  you  know  it."  Probably  he  believed 
Raleigh  guilty,  at  least  of  favouring  the  claims 
of  Arabella  Stuart,  but  at  the  same  time  he  was 
the  only  member  of  the  Court  who  raised  his  voice 
to  protect  the  prisoner  from  the  brutalities  of  Sir 
Edward  Coke,  and  Lord  Chief  Justice  Popham. 

After  the  trial  Cecil  continued  his  good  offices, 
and  it  was  owing  to  him  that  Raleigh's  wife  and 

•  Quoted  by  Edwards,  I.  335. 


i82  THE   CECILS 

child  were  saved  from  destitution.  He  also  inter- 
fered to  prevent  the  confiscation  of  his  estate  of 
Sherborne,  at  least  for  the  time. 

Raleigh  at  least  had  no  doubt  of  Cecil's  good 
will  towards  him,  and  both  he  and  his  wife  were 
always  grateful.  "  Your  lordship  hath  been  our 
only  comfort  in  our  lamentable  misfortune," 
wrote  Lady  Raleigh,  and  Sir  Walter  expressed 
himself  still  more  warmly.  No  apology  is  needed 
for  introducing  another  of  his  characteristic  letters, 
written  in  December,  1603. 

"  To  give  you  thanks,  to  promise  gratefulness,  to  return 
words,  is  all  I  can  do  ;  but  that  your  lordship  will  esteem 
them  I  cannot  promise  myself  ;  no,  not  so  much  as  hope 
it.  To  use  defences  for  the  errors  of  former  times,  I 
cannot.  For  I  have  failed,  both  in  friendship  and  in 
judgment.  Therefore  this  is  all  that  I  can  now  say  for 
myself  ;  vouchsafe  to  esteem  me  as  a  man  raised  from 
the  dead,  though  not  in  body,  yet  in  mind.  For  neither 
Fortune,  which  sometimes  guided  me — or  rather  Vanity, 
for  with  the  other  I  was  never  in  love— shall  turn  mine 
eyes  from  you  toward  her,  while  I  have  being  :  nor  the 
World,  with  all  the  cares  and  enticements  belonging  unto 
it,  shall  ever  weigh  down  (though  it  be  of  the  greatest 
weight  to  mortal  men)  the  memory  alone  of  your  lordship's 
true  respects  had  of  me  ;  respects  tried  by  the  touch  ; 
tried  by  the  fire  ;  true  witnesses  in  true  times  ;  and  then 
only,  when  only  available. 

"  And  although  I  must  first  attribute  unto  God,  who 
inclined  :  and  secondly  and  essentially,  after  God,  to  my 
dear  Sovereign,  who  had  goodness  apt  to  be  inclined  : — 
goodness  and  mercy  without  comparison  and  example  ; — 
yet  I  must  never  forget  what  I  find  was  in  your  lordship's 
desire,  what  in  your  will,  what  in  your  words  and  works. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  183 

so  far  as  could  become  you  as  a  Councillor  and  far  beyond 
all  due  to  me,  as  an  offender.  These  I  have  fixed  to  my 
heart  inseparably.  From  these,  neither  time  nor  persua- 
sion or  aught  else  wont  to  change  affections  or  to  waste 
them,  shall  beat  from  me,  or  make  old  in  me  ;  who  will 
acknowledge  your  lordship  with  a  love  without  mask  or 
cover,  and  follow  you  to  the  end."  ^ 

And  several  years  later,  after  an  angry  inter- 
view with  Salisbury,  the  occasion  of  which  is  not 
known,  Raleigh  wrote  to  Sir  Walter  Cope  : — 

"  I  ever  have  been  and  am  resolved  that  it  was  never  in 
the  worthy  heart  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil  to  suffer  me  to  fall, 
much  less  to  perish.  For  whatsoever  terms  it  hath 
pleased  his  lordship  to  use  towards  me,  which  might 
utterly  despair  anybody  else,  yet  I  know  that  he  spake 
them  as  a  Councillor,  sitting  in  Council,  and  in  company  of 
such  as  would  not  otherwise  have  been  satisfied.  But,  as 
God  liveth,  I  would  have  bought  his  presence  at  a  far 
dearer  rate  than  those  sharp  words  and  these  three  months' 
close  imprisonment,  for  it  is  in  his  lordship's  face  and 
countenance  that  I  behold  all  that  remains  to  me  of  com- 
fort and  all  the  hope  I  have,  and  from  which  I  shall  never 
be  beaten  till  I  see  the  last  of  evils  and  the  despair  which 
hath  no  help.  The  blessing  of  God  cannot  make  him  cruel 
that  was  never  so,  nor  prosperity  teach  any  man  of  so 
great  worth  to  delight  in  the  endless  adversity  of  an  enemy, 
much  less  of  him  who  in  his  very  soul  and  nature  can  never 
be  such  a  one  towards  him."  ^ 

Such  expressions  afford  strong  testimony  to  the 
generous  qualities  of  Salisbury,  nor,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  is  their  witness  invalidated  by  the 
suggestion  that  they  were  used  for  selfish  reasons, 

1  Edwards,  II.  288. 

*  October  gth,  i6ii  {Ibid.,  II.  329). 


i84  THE   CECILS 

to  flatter  a  man  in  power.  "  Raleigh  used  no  such 
flatteries  to  Northampton  ;  though  he  well  knew 
that  Northampton,  in  1603,  had  exhausted  neither 
his  venom  nor  his  power  to  sting. 


"  1 


James  entered  upon  his  reign  with  the  intention 
of  being  as  tolerant  in  religious  matters  as  was 
consistent  with  his  own  prerogatives.  He  pro- 
mised not  to  persecute  any  Catholics  who  would 
give  an  outward  obedience  to  the  law,  and  he 
remitted  the  recusancy  fines  "  so  long  as  they 
behaved  as  loyal  subjects."  He  made  his  position 
perfectly  clear  to  Cecil  before  his  accession.  "  I 
did  ever  hold  persecution  as  one  of  the  infallible 
notes  of  a  false  Church,"  he  writes ;  and  again  "  I 
will  never  allow  in  my  conscience  that  the  blood 
of  any  man  shall  be  shed  for  diversity  of  opinion 
in  rehgion,  but  I  would  be  sorry  that  Catholics 
should  so  multiply  as  that  they  might  be  able  to 
practise  their  old  principles  upon  us."  As  far  as 
laymen  are  concerned,  that  is  to  say,  they  should 
be  tolerated  so  far  as  was  consistent  with  the 
peace  and  safety  of  the  realm.  As  to  the  priests 
and  Jesuits  ("  venomed  wasps  and  fire-brands  of 
sedition  "),  he  urged  Cecil  to  put  the  edict  of 
banishment  into  execution,  that  they  might  be 
"  safely  transported  beyond  seas,  where  they  may 
freely  glut  themselves  upon  their  imaginated  gods." 

Unfortunately  the  Catholics  increased  to  such 
an  extent  in  "  number,  courage,  and  insolence," 
during  the  first  months  of  James's  reign  that  he 

1  Edwards,  I.  503. 


THE   FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  185 

took  alarm,  and  in  February,  1604,  issued  a 
proclamation  for  the  banishment  of  the  priests. 
This  was  followed  in  July  by  a  severe  Act  against 
recusants.  Neither  of  these  measures  was 
enforced,  but  they  served  to  show  the  Catholics 
that  they  had  httle  to  hope  for  from  the  King,  and 
their  anger  and  disappointment  led  a  section  of 
them  to  give  their  sanction  to  deeds  of  violence, 
culminating  in  the  Gunpowder  Plot.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  Salisbury  deliberately  egged  on 
the  conspirators  to  their  destruction,  while  others 
have  thought  he  got  wind  of  the  plot  at  an  early 
stage,  but  allowed  it  to  proceed  so  as  to  gain  more 
credit  by  a  dramatic  discovery.  On  the  whole, 
however,  it  may  be  said  that  "  in  the  judgment  of 
those  best  qualified  to  pronounce,  the  received 
story  of  Gunpowder  Plot  remains  more  likely 
to  be  true  than  any  other."  ^ 

The  natural  result  of  the  plot  was  the  introduc- 
tion of  new  and  still  more  stringent  penal  laws, 
though  once  more  James  prevented  their  strict 
enforcement.  In  this  matter  Cecil  upheld  his 
sovereign,  disliking  persecution,  except  in  so  far 
as  Catholics  showed  themselves  "  absolute  seducers 
of  the  people  from  temporal  obedience  and 
confident  persuaders  to  rebellion."  Strongly  as 
one  must  condemn  the  severe  restrictions  placed 
on  the  recusants,  it  must  always  be  remembered 
that  the  Church  of  Rome  "  was  pledged  to  change 
the  moral  and  intellectual  atmosphere  in  which 
Englishmen  moved  and  breathed." 

'  Professor  Montague,  History  of  England,  1603 — 1660,  p.  31. 


i86  THE   CECILS 

Salisbury  himself  defines  his  views  in  a  letter  to 
Sir  Henry  Wotton  (June  i6th,  1606)/ 

"  So  clear  and  apparent,"  he  writes,  "  is  now  the  hatred 
of  almost  all  those  of  that  profession  to  the  present 
government  of  this  Church  and  Commonwealth,  and  so 
envious  are  they  of  the  long  blessings  of  peace  and  plenty 
which  God  hath  bestowed  upon  our  nation  these  many 
years  in  the  true  profession  of  the  Gospel,  as  they  have  not 
only  sought  by  all  overt  means  to  practise  the  destruction 
thereof,  but  their  masters  and  rabbins,  the  Jesuits,  who 
are  now  become  the  only  fire-brands  of  Christendom,  have 
and  do  continually  seek  to  corrupt  the  very  souls  and 
consciences  of  his  Majesty's  simpler  sort  of  subjects  with 
this  detestable  doctrine,  that  they  may  not  stick  at 
rebellion  and  conspiracy,  when  they  are  summoned  to  it 
for  the  good  of  the  Church." 

On  the  Continent  Salisbury  was  looked  upon  as 
the  special  enemy  of  the  Catholics,  owing  to  the 
malicious  reports  of  the  Jesuits.  "  Among  the 
Duke  of  Lerma's  pages  of  the  Chamber,"  writes 
Sir  Charles  Cornwalhs  from  Madrid,  this  same 
year  "  a  common  table  talk  it  is,  what  an  extreme 
persecutor  your  lordship  is  of  the  Catholics  in 
England.  Hereupon  every  man  wishes  that  their 
hands  might  give  you  the  Pugnaladoll,  that  your 
cruelty  deserveth  "  ;  to  which  Sahsbury  replies 
with  dignity,  that  he  commends  himself  to  God's 
protection,  and  that  "  the  more  danger  is  laid 
before  me,  the  more  zealous  it  makes  me  of  God's 
and  my  country's  service."  ^ 

1  Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  I.  65. 

2  Winwood's  Memorials,  II.  236,  253.    See  also,  for  other  Jesuit  plots 
II.  202,  III.  49 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  187 

The  case  of  the  Puritans  is  entirely  different.  On 
opening  Parliament,  in  March,  1604,  the  King 
declared  his  hostility  to  the  Puritans,  who  were 
"  ever  discontented  with  the  present  Government, 
and  impatient  to  suffer  any  superiority,  which 
maketh  their  sect  unable  to  be  suffered  in  any 
well-governed  Commonwealth."  At  the  Hampton 
(^ourt  Conference  in  January  they  had  stated 
their  grievances,  but  James  had  not  the  slightest 
sympathy  with  them,  and  rated  them  soundly. 
"  If  this  be  all  they  have  to  say,"  were  his  last 
words,  "  I  shall  make  them  conform  themselves, 
or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else  do 
worse."  Whereupon  we  are  told  that  Cecil 
thanked  God  for  having  given  the  King  an  under- 
standing heart.  Cecil's  views  are  set  forth  in  a 
letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  York,^  in  which  he 
says  it  was  necessary  to  correct  the  Puritans  "  for 
disobedience  to  the  lawful  ceremonies  of  the 
Church  ;  wherein,  although  many  religious  men 
of  moderate  spirits  might  be  borne  with,  yet  such 
are  the  turbulent  humours  of  some  that  dream  of 
nothing  but  a  new  hierarchy,  directly  opposite 
to  the  state  of  a  Monarchy,  as  the  dispensation 
with  such  men  were  the  highway  to  break  all  the 
bonds  of  unity,  to  nourish  schism  in  the  Church 
and  Commonwealth.  It  is  well  said  of  a  learned 
man  that  there  are  schisms  in  habit,  as  well  as 
in  opinion,  et  non  servatur  unitas  in  credendo,  nisi 
adsit  in  colendo."     Unity  of  belief  could  not  be 

1  February,  1605  (Lodge's  Illustrations,  III.  125). 


i88  THE   CECILS 

preserved  except  by  uniformity  of  worship. 
Holding  such  opinions,  Sahsbury  supported  the 
King  in  the  severe  measures  adopted  in  order  to 
impose  conformity  on  the  Puritans.  By  the 
Canons  of  1604  the  penalty  of  excommunication 
was  inflicted  on  all  who  "  should  affirm  any  of 
the  Thirty-nine  Articles  to  be  erroneous,  or  any- 
thing in  the  Prayer  Book  to  be  repugnant  to 
Scripture,  or  any  of  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Church  to  be  superstitious,  or  should  maintain 
that  government  by  bishops  was  contrary  to  the 
Word  of  God."  Some  three  hundred  of  the  clergy 
refused  to  conform  and  were  ejected,  and  writing 
of  them,  Salisbury  says: — 

"  For  the  religion  which  they  profess  I  reverence  them 
and  their  calling  ;  but  for  their  unconformity,  I  acknow- 
ledge myself  in  no  way  warranted  to  deal  for  them, 
because  the  course  they  take  is  no  way  safe  in  such  a 
monarchy  as  this  ;  where  his  Majesty  aimeth  at  no  other 
end  than  where  there  is  but  one  true  faith  and  doctrine 
preached,  there  to  establish  one  form,  so  as  a  perpetual 
peace  may  be  settled  in  the  Church  of  God  ;  where 
contrarywise  these  men,  by  this  singularity  of  theirs  in 
things  approved  to  be  indifferent  by  so  many  reverend 
fathers  of  the  Church,  by  so  great  multitudes  of  their  own 
brethren,  yea  many  that  have  been  formerly  touched  with 
the  like  weaknesses,  do  daily  minister  cause  of  scandal  in 
the  Church  of  England,  and  give  impediment  to  that  great 
and  goodly  work,  towards  which  all  honest  men  are  bound 
to  yield  their  best  means,  according  to  their  several 
callings,  namely  to  suppress  idolatry  and  Romish  super- 
stition in  all  his  Majesty's  dominions."  ^ 

1  Cranborne  to  some  gentlemen  of  Leicestershire,  April,  1605  (Hat- 
field MSS.     Quoted  by  Gardiner,  1.  201). 


THE   FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  189 

Salisbury  succeeded  the  old  Earl  of  Dorset  as 
Lord  Treasurer  in  April,  1608.  "  I  know  not 
anything  the  King  hath  done  in  that  kind  more 
universally  applauded,"  wrote  Sir  Henry  Neville/ 
"  So  great  a  reformation  many  imagine  will  follow 
that  change." 

The  Exchequer  was  then  in  a  desperate  con- 
dition. The  debt  amounted  to  nearly  a  million 
and  the  ordinary  annual  expenditure  exceeded 
the  ordinary  revenue  by  £73,000.  To  a  great 
extent  this  condition  of  affairs  was  due  to  the 
King's  extravagance,  which,  in  spite  of  real 
endeavours  on  his  part,  he  was  quite  unable  to 
control.  A  story  is  told  which  illustrates  his 
ignorance  of  the  value  of  money,  and  at  the  same 
time  shows  how  Salisbury  tried  to  keep  his 
prodigality  in  check.  It  appears  that  James 
had  ordered  a  large  sum  of  money  (variously 
stated  as  £5,000  and  £20,000)  to  be  given  to 
his  favourite,  Carr,  then  Viscount  Rochester. 
Salisbury,  "  thinking  it  too  great  a  sum  to  be 
disposed  of  lightly,  laid  it  in  silver  upon  tables 
in  the  gallery  of  Salisbury  House  ;  and,  having 
invited  the  King  to  dinner,  conducted  him  through 
that  gallery  to  the  dining-room.  The  King, 
suddenly  struck  with  the  appearance  of  so  large 
a  heap  of  silver,  asked  what  the  money  was  for  ; 
to  which  the  Treasurer  replied  that  he  had 
received  his  Majesty's  commands  to  give  it  to  the 
Viscount    Rochester.     The    King,    who    had    not 

'  To  Sir  R.  Winwood,  May  12th,  1608  (Winvvood's  Memorials,  II. 
929). 


igo  THE   CECILS 

before  appreciated  the  value  of  the  gift,  said  it 
was  too  much,  and  made  the  favourite  be 
contented  with  less  than  half."  ^ 

One  of  Salisbury's  first  proceedings  as  Treasurer 
was  to  impose  duties  to  the  amount  of  £70,000, 
without  the  sanction  of  Parliament.  At  the  same 
time  he  lessened  the  duties  on  articles  of  general 
consumption,  such  as  currants,  sugar,  and  tobacco. 
In  addition  to  this,  by  severe  economies,  by  sale 
of  Crown  lands,  and  by  enforcing  every  payment 
to  which  the  King  could  lay  claim,  the  debt  was 
reduced  in  two  years  to  £300,000  More,  how- 
ever, was  still  required,  and  Salisbury  therefore 
endeavoured  to  raise  money  by  what  is  known 
as  the  "  Great  Contract."  He  asked  the  Commons 
for  a  supply  of  £600,000  to  discharge  the  King's 
debts  and  for  other  outstanding  expenses,  and  for 
a  permanent  support  of  £200,000  a  year.  In 
return  for  this,  he  promised,  on  behalf  of  the  King, 
to  remit  certain  burdensome  prerogatives  of  the 
Crown,  especially  those  connected  with  feudal 
tenures,  wardships  and  purveyance.  Prolonged 
negotiations  followed,  during  which  Salisbury,  as 
the  mouthpiece  of  James,  continually  shifted  his 
ground.  The  Treasurer  was  supported  throughout 
by  the  Lords.  As  Sir  Roger  Aston  wrote,  "  The 
little  beagle  hath  run  about  and  brought  the  rest 
of  the  great  hounds  to  a  perfect  tune."  ^  But 
as  the  King  continually  raised  his  demands,  the 
Commons,  influenced  by  the  growing  opposition 

'  Wilson's  Life  and  Reign  of  James  I.,  p.  6i. 
^  July  24th,  1610  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  191 

of  the  various  interests  affected  by  the  proposals, 
hardened  their  hearts  and  refused  to  make  any 
further  concessions.  The  inevitable  result  was 
that  the  whole  scheme  fell  through,  and  though  the 
King  was  mainly  to  blame,  the  odium,  both  of  the 
proposals  and  of  their  failure,  fell  on  the  Treasurer. 
Bacon,  the  shrewdest  political  observer  of  the 
time,  has  left  on  record  his  opinion  of  Salisbury's 
financial  methods,  in  a  letter  to  the  King  written 
a  few  months  after  his  cousin's  death  : — 

"  To  have  your  wants  and  necessities  in  particular  as  it 
were  hanged  up  in  two  tablets  before  the  eyes  of  your  lords 
and  commons,  to  be  talked  of  for  four  months  together  : 
to  have  all  your  courses  to  help  yourself  in  revenue  or 
profit  put  into  printed  books,  which  were  wont  to  be  held 
arcana  imperii  :  to  have  such  worms  of  aldermen  to  lend 
for  ten  in  the  hundred  upon  good  assurance,  and  with  such 
[entreaty  ?],  as  if  it  should  save  the  bark  of  your  fortune  : 
to  contract  still  where  mought  be  had  the  readiest  pay- 
ment, and  not  the  best  bargain  :  to  stir  a  number  of  pro- 
jects for  your  profit,  and  then  to  blast  them,  and  leave 
your  Majesty  nothing  but  the  scandal  of  them  :  to  pretend 
even  carriage  between  your  Majesty's  rights  and  the  ease 
of  the  people,  and  to  satisfy  neither  :  These  courses  and 
others  the  like  I  hope  are  gone  with  the  deviser  of  them  ; 
which  have  turned  your  Majestyto  inestimable  prejudice."^ 

In  reading  this,  one  has  to  remember  Bacon's 
personal  animus  against  his  cousin,  and  also  the 
fact  that  he  was  hoping  to  take  his  place.  But 
malicious  as  is  the  expression  of  his  opinion,  it  no 
doubt  represents  a  widely  held  view.  It  is,  how- 
ever, not  the  whole  of  the  truth.   The  fact  remains 

1  Bacon  to  the  Iving,  September,  1612  (Spedding,  IV.  313). 


192  THE  CECILS 

that  Salisbury  did  produce  some  sort  of  order  out 
of  the  chaos  that  existed  before  he  took  over  the 
ofhce  of  Treasurer,  and  succeeded  in  "  raising  the 
revenue  to  an  amount  which  would  have  filled 
Elizabeth  with  admiration,  though  it  was  all  too 
little  for  her  successor."  And  if  it  is  true,  as  has 
been  said,  that  the  total  result  of  his  financial 
administration  was  the  halving  of  the  debt,  at 
the  cost  of  almost  doubling  the  deficiency,  it  is, 
nevertheless,  to  be  remembered  that  the  former 
was  the  result  of  his  own  labour,  while  over  the 
latter  he  had  little  control.^ 

Undoubtedly  the  system  of  bargaining  set  up 
between  King  and  Commons  was  undignified  and 
demoralising,  and  emphasised  the  divergence  of 
interests  between  the  Sovereign  and  his  people 
which  led  to  such  disastrous  results.  It  is 
Salisbury's  action  in  the  matter  of  the  Great 
Contract  which  is  thought  to  have  been  responsible 
for  the  decline  of  his  power  during  the  last  months 
of  his  life.  Goodman  tells  a  story  about  a  certain 
un-named  "  great  peer,"  who,  on  his  death-bed, 
sent  to  the  King,  begging  him  not  to  part  with  any 
of  his  prerogatives,  especially  the  Court  of  Wards, 
and  warning  him  against  being  ruled  by  ' '  some  who 
did  endeavour  to  engross  and  monopolise  the  King, 
and  kept  other  able  men  out  of  his  service."  After 
which,  adds  Goodman,  "  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  who 
had  been  a  great  stirrer  in  that  business,  and  was 
the  man  aimed  at,  began  to  decline."  ^ 

1  Gardiner,  II.  144  ;    Spedding,  IV.  276. 
^  Court  of  James  I.,  I.  141. 


CHAPTER  X 

ROBERT   CECIL,  FIRST   EARL   OF    SALISBURY 

(continued) 

On  other  matters,  as  well  as  the  "  Great  Con- 
tract," it  is  difficult  to  say  how  far  the  policy 
carried  out  by  Salisbury  was  in  its  origin  his  or  the 
King's.  He  certainly  gave  him  good  advice  on  the 
subject  of  the  Union  with  Scotland,  urging,  though 
in  vain,  that  the  time  was  not  ripe,  and  that  all 
that  could  be  done  at  present  was  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  examine  the  whole  question. 

In  foreign  affairs  his  policy  was  to  preserve 
the  independence  of  the  Netherlands  and  to 
preserve  the  balance  of  power  between  France 
and  Spain.  Though  filled  with  hatred  of  the 
latter  country,  he,  no  doubt,  agreed  with  James 
in  thinking  peace  necessary,  and  he  was  instru- 
mental in  bringing  it  about  in  1604.  And  this 
led  to  an  incident  which  is  very  difficult  to  under- 
stand or  explain.  On  the  completion  of  the 
treaty,  all  the  chief  ministers  of  James,  including 
Cecil,  accepted  pensions  from  the  Spanish 
Ambassador.  Cecil's  amounted  to  £1,000  a  year, 
and  was  raised  in  the  following  year  to  £1,500. 
In  1609  ^^  demanded  a  still  further  increase, 
and  asked  that  each  piece  of  information  should 
be  paid  for  separately.  Such  a  transaction  is, 
of  course,  not  to  be  judged  by  the  standards  of 

c.  o 


194  THE   CECILS 

the  present  day.  "  It  was,"  says  Dr.  Jessopp/ 
"  part  of  that  vile  system  which  his  father  had 
estabhshed,  and  into  which  he  was  perhaps  forced, 
of  employing  every  means  that  came  to  hand  for 
obtaining  information  of  the  doings  of  the 
Catholics.  That  he  gave  any  information,  or 
that  he  ever  betrayed  the  trust  committed  to  him, 
there  is  not  a  tittle  of  evidence  to  show."  This 
is  not  strictly  true,  for  he  certainly  did  give 
information,  but  of  such  a  character  that  the 
Spanish  Ambassadors  continually  complained  that 
he  was  not  keeping  to  his  part  of  the  bargain,  and 
as  the  relations  between  the  countries  grew  worse, 
the  information  became  more  and  more  confused.^ 
He  is  said  to  have  accepted  a  pension  also  from 
France,  and  it  is  probable  that  he  was  able,  or 
thought  he  would  be  able,  to  do  good  services  to 
both  these  friendly  powers,  and  so  to  further 
the  growth  of  good  relations  between  them, 
without  in  any  way  betraying  the  interests  of 
England. 

These  transactions  are  the  more  strange  since 
we  know  from  other  sources  that  Salisbury  was 
distinguished  among  his  contemporaries  for  being 
impervious  to  bribes.  "  The  heart  of  man,"  says 
Sir  Walter  Cope,  "  was  never  more  free  from 
baseness  and  bribes  :  he  hated  the  bribe  and  the 
taker."  ' 

The  corruption  at  Court  in  the  early  part  of 


1  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  IX.  402. 

2  Gardiner,  I.  216. 

3  "  Apology  for  Sir  R.  Cecil,"  etc.  (Gutch,  Collectanea  Curiosa,  I.  120). 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  195 

James's  reign  was  notorious,  but  Cecil  set  himself 
against  it  with  all  his  power.  As  an  instance, 
we  may  quote  from  his  instructions  to  the  com- 
missioners who  were  to  act  in  a  proposed  scheme 
for  compounding  wardships. 

"  And  now,"  he  writes,  "  because  I  do  consider  how 
subject  all  men's  actions  are  to  calumny,  ...  I  do  also 
require  you  to  make  it  known  particularly  to  all  persons 
that  shall  seek  composition,  that  they  shall  not  receive 
their  assurance  from  his  Majesty  without  taking  their 
corporal  oath  in  open  court  that  they  have  neither 
promised  nor  paid,  directly  nor  indirectly,  any  money,  or 
other  benefit,  for  obtaining  the  same,  other  than  the  sums 
agreed  upon  to  his  Majesty's  use,  and  the  ordinary  fees 
of  the  clerks  and  officers.  Thus  have  you  now  a  perfect 
understanding  of  his  Majesty's  royal  intention  .  .  .  and 
have  also  perceived  the  care  I  have  to  preserve  your  reputa- 
tion as  much  as  my  own,  though  that  is  more  in  danger  to 
be  touched,  because  the  envious  minds  of  men,  who  judge 
others  commonly  by  their  own  affections,  will  be  apt  to 
conceive  that  I,  who  am  his  Majesty's  principal  officer  in 
the  Court  of  Wards,  would  not  endeavour  to  further  this 
his  Majesty's  good  intention  with  so  great  care  and  such 
contentment,  except  some  way  were  open  for  me  by  this 
course  to  derive  to  myself  some  private  gain,  to  counter- 
vail the  diminution  of  that  power  and  authority  which  by 
this  means  is  taken  from  me  to  bind  or  pleasure  any  man 
by  virtue  of  this  office  during  my  time."  ^ 

This  proposal  came  to  nothing,  but  later  in  the 
reign  SaHsbury  handed  over  to  the  King  all  the 
profits  of  the  office  of  Master  of  the  Wards. 

Even   Osborne,   a   very  unfavourable   witness, 

1  Letter  to  Sir  John  Savile  and  others,  October  3rd,  1603  (Lodge's 
Illustrations,  III.  41). 

O   2 


196  THE   CECILS 

says  :  "  How  many  soever  his  faults  were,  he 
was  of  an  incomparable  prudence,  and  coming  so 
near  after  such  an  unadvised  scatterer  as  King 
James,  he  might  have  feathered  his  family  better 
than  he  did,  but  that  he  looked  upon  low  things 
with  contempt  ...  he  not  standing  charged  with 
any  grosser  bribery  or  corruption  than  what  lay 
inclusive  under  the  ceremony  of  New  Year's  gifts, 
or  his  own  or  servants  sharing  with  such  as  by 
importunity  rather  than  merit  had  obtained 
debentures  out  of  the  Exchequer."  As  to  the 
New  Year's  gifts,  another  writer  states  that  the 
first  year  he  was  Lord  Treasurer  he  refused  them 
all,  amounting  to  above  £1,800,  "  as  supposing 
them  to  be  some  kind  of  bribes  whereby  he 
might  wink  at  the  corruption  of  officers."  ^ 

Even  before  he  was  Treasurer,  his  "  New  Year's 
gifts  "  were  of  considerable  value.  The  list  of 
those  received  at  Christmas,  1602,  has  been 
preserved,  and  is  worth  transcribing.^ 

"  From  Lord  Burghley,  one  bason   and   ewer   of   silver 

white,  io8|  oz.     3  plates  of  silver,  27  oz. 
From  the  Company  of  Merchant  Venturers,  one  great 

standing    bowl    in    a    case.      [Margin :    '  sold    to 

Prescott.'] 
From  Sir  John  Roper,  one  other  great  standing  bowl  in 

a  case.     ['  Sold  to  Prescott.'] 
From  my  Lord  of  Hertford,  one  pair  of  great  Dutch 

pots,  gilt,  162I  oz. 
From  Mr.  Nicolson,  one  fair  standing  bowl.      ['  Sold  to 

Prescott.'] 

1  Goodman,  I.  36. 

2  Hatfield  MSS.,  XII.  527. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  197 

From  Mr.  Owen,  one  other  standing  bowl,  lesser,  8  oz. 

['  Given  to  Sir  Henry  Neville's  child.'] 
From  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  one  standing  cup. 
From   Doc.    Stanop,    one   other  standing   cup,   lesser. 

['  Given  to  Doctor  Elvine.'] 
From  my  Lord  Nores,  one  cup  of  gold  in  a  velvet  case. 
From  Mr.  Coalle,  of  Devonshire,  one  basin  and  ewer  of 

fine  '  purslen,'  gilt.     Six  fair  dishes  of  '  purslen,' 

gilt.     Six    lesser,     of    fine     '  purslen,'     gilt.     One 

perfuming  pot  in  the  form  of  a  cat,  of  '  purslen.' 

One  fine  voider  of  China,  gilt. 
From  my  Lady  Digbie,  one  fine  '  quishon,'  hned  with 

carnation  satin. 
From  Mr,  Cope,  one  sweet-bag. 
From  Mr.  Skenner,  one  other  sweet-bag. 
From  my  Lady  Laiton,  one  chair  embroidered. 
From  Comptroller  of  the  Works,  a  fire  shovel,  tongs,  and 

a  lock  for  a  door. 
Mr.  Savadge,  two  barrels  of  figs. 
From  Sir  Robert  Crosse,  one  little  casket. 
From   a  ward,   one   great   standing  cup   with  scollop 

shells,   66  oz.     ['  Given   at   the  christening  of   the 

French  Amb  :    child.'] 
From  a  ward,  one  great  salt  set  in  crystal,  106  oz. 
From  Mr.  Penruddock,  one  salt,  28  oz." 

On  the  subject  of  valuable  presents,  Cecil 
expressed  himself  plainly  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland  : — ^ 

"  I  have  received  a  coach  and  four  horses  from  you,"  he 
writes,  "  a  gift  greater  than  ever  I  was  beholding  to  any 
subject,  and  that  I  would  have  refused,  whatsoever  had 
come  of  it,  if  I  could  have  been  present  to  have  argued 
with  you.     For  first,  I  must  say  that  gifts  of  value  ought 

1  October  gth,  1600  (Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  347). 


198  THE   CECILS 

not  to  pass  between  those  whose  minds  contemn  all  the 
knots  that  utility  can  fasten.  Toys,  which  argue  only 
memory  in  absence,  may  be  interchanged,  so  long  as  they 
are  no  other.  Secondly,  there  is  at  this  time  something 
in  question  which  concerns  you  in  profit,  wherein  the  care 
I  have  shown  to  further  your  desires  will  now  be  imputed 
to  this  expectation,  and  so  give  a  taint  to  that  profession 
which  I  have  made  only  to  dehght  in  your  favour,  in 
respect  of  your  sincerity  and  ability  to  do  her  Majesty 
service.  Thirdly,  it  grieves  me  to  think  that  divers  of  my 
adversaries,  who  are  apt  to  decry  all  values  that  are  set 
upon  my  coin,  may  think  that  you,  who  should  know  me 
better  than  they  do,  find  me  either  facile  or  not  clear  from 
servile  ends  ;  the  conceit  whereof  so  much  troubles  me 
as  it  has  almost  made  me  venture  a  desperate  refusal, 
but  that  I  feared  to  have  made  you  doubtful  that  I  had 
judged  you  by  others'  scanthng.  Next,  I  pray  you  think 
whether  the  eyes  of  the  world  can  wink  at  these  shows, 
and  whether  if  the  Queen  shall  hear  it,  she  will  not  be  apt 
to  suspect  me  that  I  am  the  earnester  in  your  cause  for  it. 
But  what  should  I  now  call  back  yesterday  ?  For  I  have 
accepted  your  fair  present  rather  than  discontent  you,  and 
have  only  reserved  an  assurance  that  this  was  given  me 
out  of  the  vastness  of  your  kindness,  not  out  of  any  other 
mistaking  my  disposition.  For  requital  whereof,  I  can 
only  return  this  present,  that  though  I  have  neither  gold 
nor  silver,  yet  I  have  love  and  honesty." 

The  records  of  gifts  made  to  Cecil  are  almost 
the  only  indications  of  his  tastes  and  private 
occupations  which  his  correspondence  affords. 
Thus  we  learn  that  he  was  very  fond  of  horses, 
and  also  of  hawking.  Within  a  few  months,  in 
1593,  he  received  four  horses,  as  gifts  from 
different    friends,    as   well   as    "a   suite    of   four 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  199 

white  horses  "  for  his  coach,  which  he  ordered 
from  Embden — and  not  a  year  passes  without 
his  receiving  both  horses  and  other  animals. 
Some  of  these  must  have  been  embarrassing  pets, 
such  as  a  dog  sent  by  Sir  S.  Bagenah,  which  the 
donor  boasts  is  "  the  most  furiosest  beast  that 
ever  I  saw,"  or  the  "  paraquito,"  given  by  Sir 
John  Gilbert,  with  instructions  as  follows  :  "  He 
will  eat  all  kinds  of  meat,  and  nothing  will  hurt 
him  except  it  be  very  salt.  If  you  put  him  on 
the  table  at  meal  time  he  will  make  choice  of  his 
meat.  He  must  be  kept  very  warm  and  after 
he  hath  filled  himself  he  will  set  in  a  gentlewoman's 
ruff  all  the  day.  In  the  afternoon  he  will  eat 
bread  or  oatmeal  groats,  drink  water  or  claret 
wine  :  every  night  he  is  put  in  the  cage  and 
covered  warm." 

His  correspondence  bears  constant  witness  to 
his  interest  in  hawking,  and  his  friends  vie  with 
each  other  in  seconding  his  efforts  to  secure  hawks 
that  will  "fly  in  a  high  place."  In  the  year 
1600  he  was  stocking  his  park  at  Theobalds 
with  deer,  and  received  many  "  fat  bucks " 
and  does,  as  well  as  ten  red  deer  from  Lord 
Shefaeld. 

Among  other  gifts.  Bishop  Bancroft  sends  him 
a  vat  of  Rhenish  wine,  containing  six  score 
gallons,  which  he  had  brought  from  Embden. 
"  You  should  not  have  had  it,"  he  writes,  "  but 
that  I  did  so  surfeit  at  Embden,  in  quaffing  to 
such  and  so  many  healths,  not  forgetting  your 
own  (but  remembering  you  better,  I  trust,  in  my 


200  THE   CECILS 

prayers),  that  now  I  can  be  well  content  to  part 
with  it,  and  to  make  it  as  you  have  made  me, 
that  is,  your  own  for  ever."  ^ 

Many  towns  chose  him  as  their  patron  and 
protector.  The  Corporation  of  Exeter  begs  him 
to  accept  the  "  small  annuity  which  we  paid  to 
our  Lord,  your  father  "  ;  the  bailiffs  of  Colchester 
present  him  with  £io  in  gold,  "  as  their  best 
means  to  express  their  duties  "  ;  and  the  Corpo- 
ration of  Waterford  sends  him  "  a  pair  of  bed 
coverings  and  two  rondells  of  aquavite,"  and 
begs  his  furtherance  of  their  suits. 

The  Bishop  of  Carlisle  (Henry  Robinson)  sends 
him  a  Bible,  and  his  letter  on  the  occasion  is 
worth  quoting  : — ^ 

"  I  desire  greatly  to  show  you  my  gratitude.  But,  as 
one  said  to  Augustus,  "  e'ffecisH  ut  vivam  et  moriar 
ingrahis."  Still,  hoping  that  you  are  like  God,  of  whom 
it  is  written  '  If  there  be  a  willing  mind,  it  is  accepted 
according  to  that  a  man  hath  and  not  according  to  that 
he  hath  not,'  I  send  you  this  book  (indeed  incomparably 
better  than  all  worldly  treasures),  &c." 

One  more  letter  must  be  given  in  this  connection, 
as  it  proves  that  Cecil  was  not  so  indifferent  to 
books  as  has  generally  been  maintained,  and  also 
affords  additional  evidence  of  his  avoidance  of 
recompense  for  services  rendered.  A  Mr.  Proby 
sends  him  "  a  collection  from  ancient  records  of 
personal  services  due  to  the  Crown,  especially  at 
the  Coronation,"  and  says  :  "  When  I  brought  you 

1  July  26th,  1600  (Hatfield  MSS.,  X.  245). 
8  January  8th,  1599  (ibid.,  IX.  13). 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  201 

the  book  of  the  state  and  condition  of  Island, 
you  told  me  that  you  esteemed  books  more  than 
gold,  as  you  showed  last  year,  when  I  could  not 
procure  you  to  accept  a  small  token  of  the  good 
I  received  by  your  means  ;  which  astonished  me 
much  until  Sir  John  Stanhope  told  me  it  was 
your  practice  not  to  take  anything  of  charge  from 
those  you  liked  best  of."  ^ 

As  to  his  other  personal  pleasures,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  pay  attention  to  the  scurrilous  gossip 
which  charged  him  with  immoral  pursuits.^  But 
we  learn  that  he  was  fond  of  play,  and  on  one 
occasion  lost  £600  in  one  night. ^ 

He  also  delighted  in  buying  and  selling  land  and 
houses  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  engaged 
in  various  mercantile  and  maritime  transactions. 
On  one  occasion  he  purchased  a  fourth  share  of 
the  Refusal,  of  Plymouth,  120  tons,  "  now  at 
sea,  in  cause  of  reprisal,  and  of  all  the  prizes  and 
gains  that  have  been  or  shall  be  taken  during 
the  voyage."  This  was  a  most  fortunate  specu- 
lation, as  within  a  fortnight,  the  Refusal  returned, 
in  company  with  two  other  ships,  bringing  two 
prizes  which  they  took  coming  out  of  Lisbon. 
One  was  a  ship  of  400  tons,  laden  with  sugar, 
pepper,  cinnamon,  ginger,  indigo,  and  other  goods, 
intended  for  Venice  ;  the  other,  a  "  flyboat  "  of 
140  tons,  with  muskets  and  calivers,  gum,  lacquer, 

1  January  3rd,  1599  {Hatfield  MSS.,  IX.  8). 

2  It  is  curious,  by  the  way,  that  in  one  of  his  letters  (to  his  servant 
Roger  Kirkham,  1605),  he  speaks  of  "  my  younger  son,"  a  person  not 
known  to  the  genealogists  (Lodge's  Illustrations,  III.  171).  What 
became  of  this  youth  ? 

8  This  was  in  )6o3  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom. ;  James  I.,  VI.  283). 


202  THE   CECILS 

oil,  iron,  calico,  spices,  etc.,  the  total  value  being 
estimated  at  £100,000.^ 

Salisbury's  main  occupation,  however,  outside 
his  official  labours,   lay  in   building   and  laying 
out  grounds,  tastes  which  he  inherited  from  his 
father.     On  the  death  of  Lord  Burghley  the  house 
and  estate  of  Theobalds  came  into  his  possession, 
and  though  the  house  itself  was  actually  com- 
pleted some  ten  years  earlier,   he  continued  to 
improve  it  and  to  beautify  the  estate  so  long  as 
it  remained  in  his  hands.     The  large  number  of 
letters  from  his  agents,  which  still  exist,  show  that 
he  devoted  much  time  and  thought  to  improving 
the  grounds,  making  an  artificial  pond  and  lakes, 
and   enlarging   the   property   whenever   possible. 
His   extensive   purchases   and   enclosures   earned 
him  some  ill-will,  and  in  1605,  Anthony  Wingfield, 
writing  to  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Shrewsbury, 
sends   the    following    "  homely    English    epigram 
of  the  Contented  Peer,"  no   doubt  intended  for 
him  : — 

"  The  Peer  content,  but  not  contented  Peer, 
Saith  still  content,  but  never  is  content  : 
For,  search  the  wide  world  over  far  and  near 

None  like  this  Peer  to  filthy  lucre  bent. 
Content,  he  saith,  but  you  must  thus  expound  him, 
Content  to  buy  his  neighbour's  lands  that  bound  him."  ^ 

This    was    one    of    many    scurrilous    lampoons 
circulated    by    the    envious    hangers-on    of    the 


1  April,  1602  {Hatfield  MSS.,  XII.  83,  98). 

2  Lodge's  Illustrations,  III.  178. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  203 

Court.        Another,     which     also     refers     to     his 
enclosures,  takes  the  form  of  an  epitaph  : — 

"  Here  lyes  throwne,  for  the  wormes  to  eate 
Little  bossive^  Robin,  that  was  so  great. 
Not  Robin  Goodfellow,  nor  Robin  Hood, 
But  Robin,  th'  encloser  of  Hatfield  Wood."  ^ 

In  July,  1606,  Salisbury  entertained  James 
and  his  brother-in-law,  Christian  IV.,  King  of 
Denmark,  at  Theobalds.  The  two  Kings  rode 
thither  in  great  state,  and  were  entertained  with 
"  many  very  learned,  delicate,  and  significant 
shows  and  devices."  At  the  entrance  of  one  of 
the  gates  was  a  tree  "  with  leaves  and  other 
ornaments  resembling  a  great  oak  ;  the  leaves 
cut  all  out  of  green  silk,  and  set  so  artificially, 
that  after  certain  speeches  delivered,  and  songs 
of  Welcome  sung,  as  the  Kings'  Majesties  passed 
away,  even  in  a  trice  all  the  leaves  showered  from 
the  tree,  both  upon  the  heads  and  garments  of 
both  the  Kings,  and  of  a  great  multitude  of  their 
followers  ;  upon  every  leaf  being  written  in  gold 
letters  this  word,  '  Welcome,'  and  upon  some, 
twice  '  Welcome.'  "  ^ 

The  visit  lasted  for  four  days,  and  Sir  John 
Harington,  who  was  one  of  the  guests,  has  left  a 
lurid  description  of  the  scenes  which  took  place." 

"  I  have  been  well-nigh  overwhelmed  with  carousal  and 
sport  of  all  kinds,"  he  says.     "  The  sports  began  each  day 

1  Bossive,  humpbacked.  So  Standen  nicknamed  him  "  Monsieur  de 
Bossu." 

2  Secret  History  of  the  Court  of  James  I.  (iSii),  I.  235. 

8  Quoted  from  a  contemporary  pamphlet  in  Clutterbuck.  Hist,  of 
Hertfordshire,  II.  92. 

"•  Nugae  Antiquae,  ed.  1G79,  II.  126  sqq. 


204  THE   CECILS 

in  such  manner  and  such  sort,  as  well  nigh  persuaded  me 
of  Mahomet's  paradise.  We  had  women,  and  indeed  wine 
too,  of  such  plenty  as  would  have  astonished  each  sober 
beholder.  Our  feasts  were  magnificent  and  the  two 
Royal  guests  did  most  lovingly  embrace  each  other  at 
table,  and  I  think  the  Dane  hath  strongly  wrought  on  our 
good  English  nobles,  for  those,  whom  I  never  could  get  to 
taste  good  liquor,  now  follow  the  fashion  and  wallow  in 
beastly  delights.  The  ladies  abandon  their  sobriety  and 
are  seen  to  roll  about  in  intoxication." 

On  one  occasion  when  a  masque  representing 
Solomon  and  the  coming  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba 
was  performed  after  a  great  feast,  none  of  the 
performers,  from  the  Queen  of  Sheba  downwards, 
could  stand  upright,  "  wine  did  so  occupy  their 
upper  chambers,"  and  the  King  of  Denmark  fell 
down,  and  had  to  be  carried  to  bed.  "  I  never 
did  see  such  lack  of  good  order,  discretion  or 
sobriety,  as  I  have  now  done,"  adds  Sir  John. 

James  became  so  enamoured  of  Theobalds  that 
he  induced  Salisbury,  in  1607,  to  make  it  over  to 
him,  giving  him  in  exchange  the  estate  and  palace 
of  Hatfield.  The  preamble  of  the  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment for  the  conveyance  of  Theobalds  to  com- 
missioners for  the  use  of  the  King,  states  that : — 

"  Whereas  the  Mansion-house  of  Theobalds,  in  the 
County  of  Hertford,  being  the  inheritance  of  Robert  Earl 
of  Salisbury,  as  well  for  situation  in  a  good  open  air,  and 
for  the  large  and  goodly  buildings,  and  delight  of  the 
gardens,  walks  and  park,  replenished  with  red  fallow  deer, 
as  also  for  the  nearness  to  the  city  of  London  northward, 
and  to  his  Majesty's  Forest  of  Waltham  Chase  and  Park 
of  Enfield,  with  the  commodity  of  a  navigable  river  falhng 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  205 

into  the  Thames,  is  a  place  so  convenient  for  his  Majesty's 
princely  sports  and  recreation,  and  so  commodious  for  the 
residence  of  his  Highness'  Court  and  entertainment  of 
foreign  Princes  or  their  ambassadors,  upon  all  occasions, 
as  his  Majesty  hath  taken  great  liking  thereunto  ;  of 
which  the  said  Earl  having  taken  particular  knowledge, 
although  it  be  the  only  dwelHng-house  left  unto  him  by 
his  father,  most  wilhngly,  dutifully  made  offer  thereof  unto 
his  Highness,  with  any  such  other  his  manors  and  lands 
thereabouts  as  should  be  thought  fit  for  his  Majesty's  use, 
preferring  therein  his  Majesty's  health  and  contentation 
before  any  private  respects  of  his  own,  which  offer  his 
Majesty  hath  graciously  forborne  to  accept,  without  a  full 
and  princely  recompense  to  the  said  Earl,"  etc.^ 

Salisbury  gave  up  possession  with  another 
grand  entertainment  to  the  King,  and  Ben  Jonson 
composed  a  masque  for  the  occasion.  It  opened 
with  a  speech  by  the  genius  of  the  house,  who 
appeared  in  a  melancholy  posture  and  dressed  in 
a  mourning  garb.     The  first  stanza  ran  as  follows  : 

"  Let  not  your  glories  darken,  to  behold 

The  place  and  me,  her  genius  here,  so  sad  ; 
Who,  by  bold  rumour  have  been  lately  told, 

That  I  must  change  the  loved  lord  I  had. 
And  he,  now  in  the  twihght  of  sere  age, 

Begin  to  seek  a  habitation  new  ; 
And  all  his  fortunes  and  himself  engage 

Unto  a  seat  his  father  never  knew  : 
And  I,  uncertain  what  I  must  endure. 
Since  all  the  ends  of  Destiny  are  obscure." 

James  still  further  enlarged  the  Park,  and 
surrounded  it  with  a  brick  wall  ten  miles  in 
circumference.     He   made   it   his    chief   country 

>  Clutterbuck,  II.  93- 


206  THE   CECILS 

seat,  and  died  there  in  1625.  In  1650  the  com- 
missioners appointed  by  ParHament  to  survey 
the  Royal  palaces,  reported  that  Theobalds  was 
an  excellent  building  in  very  good  repair,  and 
estimated  the  materials  of  the  house  to  be  worth 
;f8,275.  Notwithstanding,  the  palace  was  pulled 
down  in  165 1,  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  the 
materials  being  divided  among  the  army.^ 

The  Manor  of  Hatfield,  which  thus  came  into 
possession  of  the  Cecils,  had  already  a  distin- 
guished history.^  Originally  the  property  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  Ethelred  of  Ely,  it  became  the 
residence  of  the  bishops  of  that  see,  when  the 
monastery  was  erected  into  a  bishopric  in  1108. 
The  palace  was  rebuilt  by  Cardinal  Morton,  who 
was  Bishop  of  Ely  from  1479  to  i486,  and  of  his 
fine  red-brick  building,  portions,  including  the 
gatehouse  and  the  old  banqueting  hall  (now  the 
stables),  still  remain.  In  1539  Bishop  Goodrich 
conveyed  the  lordship  and  manor  to  Henry  VIII., 
in  exchange  for  the  site  of  Icklington  Priory 
and  other  lands,  and  the  palace  became  a  Royal 
residence.  Here  Prince  Edward  lived  with  his 
tutor,  Richard  Coxe  ;  and  in  1550,  in  the  fourth 
year  of  his  reign,  he  transferred  it  to  his  sister, 
the  Princess  Elizabeth,  who  resided  at  Hatfield 
during  Mary's  reign.  Here,  too,  "  under  the 
celebrated  oak  which  tradition  has  associated 
with  her  name,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  she 
learned  the  news  of  her  sister's  death,  and  her 

*  Lysons,  Environs  of  London,  IV.  38. 

^  Brewer,  English  Studies.  See  also  Gotch,  Homes  of  the  Cecils,  as 
before. 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  207 

own  accession  to  the  throne  ;  and  here  she  held 
her  first  Council."  Throughout  her  life  Elizabeth 
delighted  in  the  place,  and  often  availed  herself 
of  the  opportunity  it  afforded  for  hunting,  and 
hawking,  and  coursing. 

The  old  palace  was  not  suitable  for  Salisbury's 
purposes,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  setting  about 
his  new  house.  He  paid  a  farewell  visit  to 
Theobalds  in  April,  and  on  the  same  day  the 
Earl  of  Suffolk  (the  builder  of  Audley  End),  the 
Earl  of  Worcester  and  the  Earl  of  Southampton, 
met  him  at  Hatfield,  "  to  discuss  the  site  of  his 
future  habitation."  The  site  chosen  was  close  to 
the  old  building,  part  of  which  was  turned  into 
stables  for  the  new  owner.  We  may  be  sure  that 
Salisbury  was  aided  by  these  three  noblemen  also 
in  planning  his  house,  for  he  remained  his  own 
architect,  employing  Robert  Lyminge  as  his 
foreman  builder,  and  Thomas  Wilson,  his  steward, 
as  general  superintendent  of  the  works.  Building 
was  begun  before  the  end  of  the  year,  and  pro- 
ceeded so  rapidly  that  the  house  was  practically 
finished  in  1612,  not,  however,  until  after  the  death 
of  its  owner. 

Burghley  and  Theobalds  were  built  in  the  old 
feudal  manner,  round  courts.  Hatfield  occupies 
three  sides  of  a  hollow  square,  open  to  the  south. 
In  spite  of  two  disastrous  fires,  one  in  March, 
1667,  the  other  in  1835,  when  the  west  wing  was 
destroyed,  the  exterior  of  the  house  presents 
very  much  the  same  appearance  as  it  did  three 
hundred  years   ago.      Inside  more  changes  have 


2o8  THE   CECILS 

been  made,  but  much  of  it  still  retains  its  original 
character.  The  two  great  chambers — one  at  each 
end  of  the  house — the  Library  on  the  west  and  King 
James's  room  on  the  east,  have  been  little  altered, 
and  the  Long  Gallery,  one  hundred  and  sixty  feet 
long,  which  connects  them,  though  the  fretted 
ceiling  has  been  restored  and  other  renovations 
made,  remains  a  noble  example  of  a  Jacobean 
interior.  The  same  applies  to  the  hall  and  the 
chapel ;  fine  oak  panelling  and  carving — including 
the  great  staircase,  with  its  richly  carved  newel- 
posts,  each  supporting  a  figure — remains  a 
characteristic  feature,  and  bears  witness  to  the 
taste  of  the  founder  and  to  the  excellence  of  the 
workmanship. 

Hatfield  provided  Salisbury  with  ample  scope 
to  display  his  taste  in  laying  out  the  grounds, 
which  interested  him  only  less  than  the  house 
itself.  Of  the  original  garden  little  remains, 
but  that  on  the  west  side,  called  the  Priory 
Garden,  with  its  four  mulberry  trees  planted  by 
James  L,  belonged  to  the  old  palace,  and  the 
rosery  is  also  of  ancient  date. 

Evelyn,  who  visited  Hatfield  in  1643,  specially 
mentions  the  garden  and  vineyard,  "  rarely 
watered  and  planted "  ;  and  Pepys  also  has 
something  to  say  about  them.  On  his  first  visit 
(July  22nd,  1661)  "  Mr.  Looker,  my  Lord's 
gardener,  showed  me  the  house,  the  chappell 
with  brave  pictures,  and  above  all,  the  garden, 
such  as  I  never  saw  in  all  my  life  :  nor  so  good 
flowers,  nor  so  great  gooseberrys,  as  big  as  nut- 


PLAN   OF   GROUND   FLOOR,    HATFIELD   HOUSE 
(Adapted  from  the  Inventory  of  the  Historical  Monuments  of  Hertfordshire  with  the  permission 
Of  the  Royal  Commission  and  the  consent  of  the  Controller  of  His  Majesty's  Stationery  Office) 


THE   FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  209 

megs."  On  another  occasion  (August  nth,  1667) 
he  records  :  "As  soon  as  we  had  dined,  we  walked 
out  into  the  park  through  the  fine  walk  of  trees, 
and  to  the  vineyard,  and  there  showed  them 
that,  which  is  in  good  order,  and  indeed  a  place 
of  great  delight  :  which,  together  with  our  fine 
walk  through  the  park,  was  of  as  much  pleasure 
as  could  be  desired  in  the  world  for  country 
pleasure  and  good  ayre."  ^ 

For  this  vineyard  Lord  Salisbury  received 
from  France  20,000  vines,  at  the  cost  of  £50,  and 
10,000  more  were  expected.  But  though  the 
name  still  remains,  the  vines  have  long  since 
disappeared.  From  the  French  Queen  he  received 
500  fruit  trees,  and  other  friends  sent  him  cherries, 
nectarines  and  other  trees.  "  His  two  gardeners 
were  Montague  Jennings  and  John  Tradescant, 
afterwards  horticulturist  to  Charles  I.,  and  father 
of  the  still  more  celebrated  John  Tradescant, 
founder  of  the  Tradescant  Museum,  now  better 
known  as  the  Ashmolean  Museum,  at  Oxford."  ^ 

Salisbury  was  not  yet  fifty  years  old,  but  his 
incessant  labours  were  rapidly  wearing  out  his 
feeble  frame.  He  had  been  out  of  health  for 
some  time,  and  towards  the  end  of  161 1  he  had 
a  severe  attack  of  rheumatism  in  his  right  arm. 
This  passed  off,  but  a  few  weeks  later  he  was 
seized  with  ague  and  other  complications.  He 
was  reported  also  to  be  melancholy  and  heavy- 
spirited  ;  "so  as  it  is  on  all  hands  concluded," 

1  Diary,  ed.  Wheatley,  II.  68,  69  ;    VII.  64. 
'  Brewer,  p.  122. 

C.  P 


210  THE   CECILS 

wrote  Sir  John  More  to  Win  wood,  "  that  his  lord- 
ship must  shortly  leave  this  world,  or  at  least  dis- 
burden himself  of  a  great  part  of  his  affairs.     In 
this  short  time  of  his  lordship's  weakness,  almost 
all  our  great  affairs  are  come  to  a  stand,  and  his 
hand  is  already  shrewdly  missed  ;    carendo  magis 
quani   fruendo    quod    bonum    est    perspicinms."  ^ 
From  this  attack  he  recovered  so  far  that  at  the 
beginning  of  March  he  was  able  to  "  walk  daily 
in   his   garden,"    and   to    receive   frequent   visits 
from    the    King    and    Queen.        "  His    sickness 
drowned   all    other   news,"    we   hear.^     "  Every- 
man's care  and  curiosity  ran  that  way,  insomuch 
that  it  seems  he  was  never  so  well  loved  as  now, 
when  they  thought  him  so  near  lost."     After  a 
short  respite,   however,   his  malady,   which  now 
proved  to  be  a  complication  of  scurvy  and  dropsy, 
gained  upon  him,  and  on  April  27th,  "  the  vigour 
of  his  mind  maintaining  his  weak  body,"  he  left 
London  and  proceeded  to  Bath.     Here,  at  first, 
he    derived    benefit    from    the    waters,    but    his 
disease  again  got  the  upper  hand,  and  his  con- 
dition became  so  desperate  that   his  son,    Lord 
Cranborne,   was  sent    for,    and    came    posthaste 
with    Sir    Edward    Cecil    to    Bath.     After    some 
sixteen  days'  sojourn  Salisbury  resolved  to  return 
to  London,  but  his  strength  was  unequal  to  the 
effort,  and  he  died  at  Marlborough  on  May  24th, 
1612.     His  body  was  carried  to  Hatfield,  and  he 


'  February  17th,  1612  (Winwood's  Memorials,  III.  338). 
'  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  March  nth,   1612  {Court  and  Times  of 
James  I.,  I.  137). 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  211 

was  buried  in  Hatfield  Church  "  without  any 
great  pomp,  by  his  special  appointment."  ^ 
According  to  his  own  directions  the  mourners 
were  to  be  confined  to  his  own  servants  and 
intimate  friends,  since  he  desired  "to  go  without 
noise  and  vanity  out  of  this  vale  of  misery  as  a 
man  that  hath  long  been  satiated  with  terrestrial 
glory,  and  now  contemplates  only  heavenly  joy." 
These  words  are  taken  from  his  will,  which  was 
made  only  two  months  before  his  death.  In 
this  document  he  makes  a  remarkable  confession 
of  faith.2 

"  Because  I  would  be  glad  to  leave  behind  me  some 
such  testimony  of  my  particular  opinion  in  point  of  faith 
and  doctrine,  as  might  confute  all  those  who,  judging 
others  by  themselves,  are  apt  to  censure  all  men  to  be  of 
little  or  no  religion,  which  by  their  calling  are  employed 
in  matters  of  State  and  government,  under  great  kings  and 
princes,  as  if  there  was  no  Christian  policy  free  from 
irreligion  or  impiety,  I  have  resolved  to  express  myself 
and  my  opinion  in  manner  following.  First,  concerning 
the  infinite  and  ineffable  Trinity  in  Unity  and  Unity  in 
Trinity,  and  the  mystery  of  reconciliation  in  Christ  Jesus, 
as  it  concerns  the  Church,  the  saints,  their  sins,  their  souls 
and  bodies,  and  lastly,  their  retribution  in  heaven  ; — in 
all  these  points,  and  every  of  them,  I  do  assuredly  believe 
in  my  heart,  as  I  have  always  made  profession  with  my 
mouth,  whatever  is  contained  in  the  Apostles'  Creed." 

After  touching  on  the  Sacraments,  he  continues  : 

"  Therefore  I  do  here  in  the  sight  of  God  make  profession 
of  that  faith  in  which  I  have  always  lived,  and  hope  to  die 

1  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,   May  27th,    1612    (Court  and  Times  of 
James  I.,  I.  169).     See  also  Winwood,  III.  367,  368. 
"^  Brewer,  p.  154. 

P    2 


212  THE   CECILS 

in,  and  fear  not  to  be  judged  at  that  great  account  of  all 
flesh,  and  purpose  to  leave  it  behind  me,  as  full  of  life  and 
necessary  fruit  as  I  can,  for  the  direction  of  my  children, 
as  their  best  patrimony,  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  the 
world  as  the  truest  account  I  can  give  for  myself  and  my 
actions." 

His  debts  at  the  time  of  his  death  amounted 
to  nearly  ;f38,ooo,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  had 
recently  sold  Canterbury  Park  for  £12,000.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  had  lent  to  various  friends 
sums  amounting  to  some  £16,500,  and  he  gave 
directions  in  his  will  that  lands  and  woods  should 
be  sold  to  clear  off  his  encumbrances.  He  also 
desired  that  a  "  fair  monument "  should  be 
erected  to  his  memory,  and  his  son,  the  second 
Earl,  carried  out  his  wish.  In  1618  he  built  the 
Salisbury  Chapel  on  the  north  side  of  the  chancel 
in  Hatfield  Church,  and  here,  in  the  middle  of 
the  floor,  is  the  monument  to  his  father,  in  black 
and  white  marble.  The  Earl  is  lying  in  his  robes 
on  a  fiat  slab,  supported  by  figures  of  the  four 
Cardinal  Virtues,  while  below  is  a  skeleton  lying 
at  full  length.' 

"  Ease  and  pleasure  quake  to  hear  of  death," 
said  Salisbury  to  Sir  Walter  Cope  in  his  last  illness, 
"  but  my  life,  full  of  cares  and  miseries,  desireth 
to  be  dissolved."  It  is  impossible  to  doubt  his 
sincerity  in  this  pathetic  utterance.     He  felt  that 

'  Brewer  gives  a  curious  estimate,  by  Simon  Basil,  the  surveyor,  of 
what  the  work  ought  to  cost,  and  of  the  material  required.  The  cost 
of  "  sawing  and  carving  "  the  six  figures  in  wliite  marble  is  estimated 
at  ;^6o  apiece,  while  the  two  slabs  of  touchstone  are  to  cost  ^to,  and 
the  carriage  of  the  tomb  to  Hatfield  and  erecting  it  £^o. 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  213 

his  power  was  passing  from  him.  "  As  the  case 
stands,"  wrote  the  observer  whose  letters  throw 
so  much  Hght  on  the  doings  of  the  Court/  "  it 
was  best  that  he  gave  over  the  world,  for  they 
say  his  friends  fell  from  him  apace,  and  some 
near  about  him,  and  howsoever  he  had  fared  with 
his  health,  it  is  verily  thought,  he  would  never 
have  been  himself  again  in  power  and  credit. 
I  never  knew,"  he  adds,  "  so  great  a  man  so  soon 
and  so  generally  censured,  for  men's  tongues 
walk  very  liberally  and  freely,  but  how  truly  I 
know  not."  His  death  certainly  let  loose  a 
flood  of  ill-natured  gossip,  which  increased  as 
time  went  on.  "  When  great  men  die,"  wrote 
the  Earl  of  Dorset  to  Sir  T.  Edmondes,^  "  such 
is  either  their  desert,  or  the  malice  of  people,  or 
both  together,  as  commonly  they  are  ill  spoken 
of.  And  so  is  one  that  died  but  lately,  more  I 
think  than  ever  any  one  was,  and  in  more  several 
kinds."  And  Chamberlain,  writing  again  in  July^ 
says  : — 

"  The  memory  of  the  late  Lord  Treasurer  grows  daily 
worse  and  worse,  and  more  libels  come  as  it  were  con- 
tinually, whether  it  be  that  practice  and  juggling  come 
more  and  more  to  light,  or  that  men  love  to  follow  the 
sway  of  the  multitude.  But  it  is  certain  that  they  who 
may  best  maintain  it,  have  not  forborne  to  say  that  he 
juggled  with  religion,  with  the  King,  Queen,  their  children, 
with  nobility,  parliament,  with  friends,  foes,  and  generally 
with  all.   Some  of  his  chaplains  have  been  heard  to  oppose 

'  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,   May  27th,    1612    {Court  and   Times  of 
James  I.,  I.  169). 

"  June  22nd,  1612  {ibid.,  I.  179). 
*  July  2nd  {ibid.,  I.  180). 


214  THE   CECILS 

themselves  what  they  could  in  the  pulpit  against  these 
scandalous  speeches,  but  with  little  fruit." 

Even  Bacon  was  not  above  publishing  a  new 
edition  of  his  essays,  "  where,"  says  Chamberlain, 
"  in  a  chapter  of  '  Deformity  '  the  world  takes 
note  that  he  paints  his  little  cousin  to  the  life."  ^ 
It  will  be  remembered  that  this  very  spiteful 
essay  begins  as  follows  : — 

"  Deformed  persons  are  commonly  even  with  nature  ; 
for  as  nature  hath  done  ill  by  them,  so  do  they  by  nature  ; 
being  for  the  most  part,  as  the  Scripture  saith,  '  void  of 
natural  affection  '  ;  and  so  they  have  their  revenge  of 
nature.  Certainly  there  is  a  consent  between  the  body 
and  the  mind,  and  where  nature  erreth  in  the  one,  she 
ventureth  in  the  other." 

When  James  asked  Bacon  for  his  opinion  of 
Salisbury,  he  replied  : — 

"  Your  Majesty  hath  lost  a  great  subject  and  a  good 
servant.  But  if  I  should  praise  him  in  propriety,  I  should 
say  that  he  was  a  fit  man  to  keep  things  from  growing 
worse,  but  no  very  fit  man  to  reduce  things  to  be  much 
better.  For  he  loved  to  have  the  eyes  of  all  Israel  a  little 
too  much  upon  himself,  and  to  have  all  business  still 
under  the  hammer  and  like  clay  in  the  hands  of  the  potter, 
to  mould  it  as  he  thought  good,  so  that  he  was  more  in 
operatione  than  in  opere  ;  and  though  he  had  fine  passages 
of  action,  yet  the  real  conclusion  came  slowly  on."  ^ 

At  another  time  Bacon  described  him  as 
"  doing  little  with  much  formality  and  protesta- 
tion,"  and   (expressing   the   same  idea  in  other 

1  To  Carleton,  December  17th,  1612  (Court  and  Times  of  James  I., 
I.  214). 

2  Spedding,  IV.  279. 


THE   FIRST   EARL  OF  SALISBURY  215 

words)  accused  him  of  "an  artificial  animating 
of  the  negative."  ^  He  reahsed,  of  course,  that 
James  would  welcome  some  disparagement  of 
his  late  minister,  being  tired  of  his  restraining 
influence. 

Salisbury's  unpopularity  at  Court  is,  indeed, 
easily  accounted  for.  Amid  the  general  corrup- 
tion and  venality,  when  all  men  were  bent  on 
their  own  advancement  and  profit,  he  alone 
went  on  his  way  with  a  single  eye  to  the  good 
of  his  King  and  country.  The  main  source  of 
patronage,  he  naturally  incurred  the  hatred  of 
all  disappointed  placemen.  Moreover,  his  power 
and  position  earned  him  the  envy  of  those  who 
felt  that  they  were  entitled  to  share  them.  He 
was  incapable  of  inspiring  the  almost  universal 
reverence  paid  to  his  father,  and  he  had  not  the 
strength  or  force  of  character  to  overcome  the 
backbiting  malevolence  of  his  enemies.  Courteous 
and  affable  as  he  was  to  all,  he  concealed  his 
real  feelings,  so  that  even  those  who  knew  him 
well  were  often  doubtful  whether  they  under- 
stood him,  and  were  suspicious  in  consequence. 

Though  not  in  the  front  rank  of  statesmen,  he 
was  eminently  the  right  man  in  the  right  place, 
and  he  succeeded  where  a  more  brilliant  man 
would  probably  have  failed.  He  lacked  creative 
imagination,  and  initiated  no  great  policy  ;  he 
left  behind  him  no  followers,  being  out  of  sympathy 
with  the  rising  generation.  But  his  skill  as  an 
administrator,  his  power  of  mastering  details,  his 

1  Spedding,  IV.  371,  381. 


2i6  THE   CECILS 

sound  common  sense,  and  his  unwearied  industry, 
made  him  invaluable  to  the  King,  at  least  during 
the  first  few  years  of  his  reign. 

Even  Sir  Anthony  Welldon,  who  retails  all  the 
scurrilous  gossip  of  the  day,  is  bound  to  admit  his 
fine  qualities  : — 

"  The  little  great  Secretary,"  he  says,  "  died  of  a  most 
loathsome  disease,  and  remarkable,  without  house,  with- 
out pity,  without  favour  of  that  master  that  had  raised 
him  to  so  high  an  estate  ;  and  yet  must  he  have  that 
right  done  him  ...  he  had  great  parts,  was  very  wise, 
full  of  honour  and  bounty,  a  great  lover  and  rewarder  of 
virtue  and  able  parts  in  others,  so  they  did  not  appear  too 
high  in  place,  or  look  too  narrowly  into  his  actions."  ^ 

"  He  was  plentiful  in  alms,  charity,  and  good 
works,"  says  Sir  Walter  Cope  ;  "  full  of  honour 
and  honest  to  his  friends  and  no  malicious 
persecutor  of  his  enemies.  He  loved  justice  as 
his  life,  and  the  laws  as  his  inheritance." 

One  instance  of  his  "  good  works  "  may  be 
given.  In  December,  1608,  he  made  an  agree- 
ment with  one  Morrall  of  Enfield,  who  engaged, 
in  consideration  of  a  salary  of  £100  a  year  and 
a  house  rent  free,  to  teach  fifty  poor  persons  "  to 
be  chosen  by  the  Earl  within  the  parish  of  Hat- 
field, in  the  art  of  clothing,  weaving,  spinning, 
carding,  or  any  other  suchlike  commendable  trade." 

Ben  Jonson  told  Drummond  of  Hawthornden 
that  Salisbury  "  never  cared  for  any  man  longer 


^  "  Court  and  Character  of  King  James,"  in  Secret  History  of  the 
Court  of  James  I.,  I.  324.  The  contemporary  stories  of  the  nature  of 
his  disease  are  refuted  by  the  reports  of  his  doctor. 


THE  FIRST  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  217 

than  he  could  make  use  of  him."  But  this  was 
not  the  general  opinion.  "  The  world  saith  you 
a  passing  good  gentleman,"  writes  Fulke  Greville, 
"  and  one  that  will,  after  the  old  manner,  do 
common  courtesies  to  men  who  are  never  like  to 
requite  you."  ^ 

It  is  remarkable  to  notice  how  after  the  Essex 
rebellion  all  the  chief  persons  concerned  turned 
to  Cecil  for  help — especially  the  Countess  of 
Essex,  Lady  Southampton,  Lady  Sandys,  the 
Earl  of  Rutland,  and  Sir  Henry  Neville  ;  and  the 
tone  of  their  letters  and  the  gratitude  they  express 
bear  very  strong  testimony  to  his  generosity  and 
kindness  of  heart.  His  nieces — the  Marchioness 
of  Winchester,  Lady  Bridget  Vere,  Lady  Hatton, 
Lady  Tufton — write  to  him  in  the  most  affec- 
tionate terms  ;  his  nephew,  Edward,  afterwards 
Viscount  Wimbledon,  acknowledges  his  constant 
support  and  favour  ;  and  his  "  desolate,  unfor- 
tunate aunt,"  as  she  is  fond  of  calhng  herself, 
Lady  Russell,  pours  forth  all  her  complaints  in 
endless  letters,  which,  though  amusing  enough  to 
read,  must  have  sorely  tried  the  patience  of  the 
hard-worked  Secretary. 

But  perhaps  the  best  tribute  to  his  character 
is  to  be  found  in  the  affection  and  trust  which 
he  inspired  in  his  friends  and  colleagues.  Making 
all  allowance  for  the  exuberance  of  language 
common  at  the  time,  it  is  impossible  to  believe 
that  the  man  to  whom  such  expressions  as  the 
following  were  addressed  can  have  been  the  cold, 

1  October  17th.  1601  {Hatfield  MSS.,  XI.  433) 


2i8  THE  CECILS 

heartless  and  designing  individual  that  some 
writers  have  imagined.  Sir  Edward  Wotton 
writes  on  the  occasion  of  Cecil's  embassy  to 
France,  "  My  Lord  Ambassador,  only  three  words, 
I  love,  I  honour  you  unfeignedly."  "  I  will  no 
longer  live,"  says  Lord  Sheffield,  "  than  I  will 
deserve  your  love."  And  Sir  Thomas  Bodley 
writes,  "  Give  me  leave  to  protest,  as  I  do  very 
truly  and  sincerely,  that  I  hold  it  for  one  of  the 
greatest  parts  of  the  sweetness  and  comfort  of 
my  life,  in  my  later  years,  that  I  know  I  may 
rely,  when  my  need  shall  so  require,  upon  your 
favour,  which  I  beseech  you,  be  not  weary  to 
continue  still  unto  me." 

The  best  testimony  of  all  is  contained  in  the 
will  of  the  Earl  of  Dorset,  who  left  some  jewels 
to  Salisbury, 

"  of  whose  excelling  virtues  and  sweet  conditions,  so  well 
known  to  me,  in  respect  of  our  long  communication  by  so 
many  years  in  most  true  love  and  friendship  together,  I 
am  desirous  to  leave  some  faithful  remembrance  in  this 
my  last  will  and  testament,  that  since  the  living  speech  of 
my  tongue  when  I  am  gone  from  hence  must  then  cease 
and  speak  no  more,  that  yet  the  living  speech  of  my  pen, 
which  never  dieth,  may  herein  thus  for  ever  testify  and 
declare  the  same." 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE    SALISBURY   LINE 

On  the  death  of  SaHsbury  the  poHtical  talent 
of  the  family  fell  into  abeyance,  not  to  be  revived 
for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years.  His  only  son, 
William,  inherited  his  title,  but  little  of  his  intelli- 
gence, and  none  of  his  practical  capacity  for 
affairs.  He  was  born  in  1591,  Queen  Elizabeth 
acting  as  his  godmother,  and  was  educated  at 
Sherborne  School,  and  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge. A  weakly  youth,  of  "  lean,  spare  body," 
his  studies  were  interrupted  by  his  ill-health,  and 
still  more  by  his  too  indulgent  father,  who  kept 
him  at  home  on  the  slightest  pretext.  He  was 
created  a  Knight  of  the  Bath  in  January,  1605, 
and  in  the  following  August,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  King's  visit  to  Cambridge,  both  Lord 
Cranbome,  as  he  was  now  styled,  and  his 
father,  were  granted  the  degree  of  M.A.  On 
December  ist,  1608,  he  was  married  very  privately 
to  Catherine,  youngest  daughter  of  Thomas 
Howard,  Earl  of  Suffolk,  and  sister  of  the 
notorious  Countess  of  Essex,  and  immediately 
after  the  wedding,  went  for  a  tour  in  France.^ 
He  was  again  travelling  in  France  and  Italy  two 

1  He  was  between  Montreuil  and  Abbeville  on  December  15th. 
Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  December  23rd,  1608  {Court  and  Times  of 
James  I.,  I.  83). 


220  THE   CECILS 

years  later,  attended  by  a  great  retinue,  and  in 
the  course  of  his  travels  he  visited  the  Court  of 
Turin,  where  he  was  treated  with  great  magnifi- 
cence by  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  At  Padua  he  fell 
ill  of  a  violent  fever,  from  which  he  made  a  very 
tedious  recovery,  and  when  the  Duke  of  Florence 
offered  to  facilitate  his  journey  by  Bologna,  he 
refused  his  aid,  since  Lord  Salisbury  was  unwilling 
to  incur  foreign  obligations/ 

On  his  return  to  England,  Cranbome  attached 
himself  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  bearing  him 
attendance  in  tilting  and  other  sports  in  which 
the  Prince  delighted,  and  "  growing  daily  in  his 
favour."  ^  At  the  same  time  he  contracted  a 
warm  friendship  with  his  cousin.  Sir  Edward 
Cecil,  who  was  also  in  favour  with  the  Prince. 

In  1612,  Cranborne  succeeded  to  his  father's 
title  and  estates,  and  was  also  appointed  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Hertfordshire.  In  the  following  year 
the  birth  of  a  daughter  afforded  an  opportunity 
for  the  extravagant  display  in  which  he  delighted. 
"  About  this  day  sevennight,"  wrote  Chamberlain, 
"  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  was  brought  to  bed 
of  a  daughter  and  lies  in  very  richly,  for  the 
hangings  of  her  chamber  being  white  satin, 
embroidered  with  gold  (or  silver)  and  pearl,  is 
valued  at  £14,000  "  ;  ^  and  the  same  gossip 
informs  us  that  the  "  great  christening  "  of  the 

1  See  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  ;  also  Sir  H.  Wotton's  and  Sir  D.  Carleton's 
letters. 

"^  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  January  29th,  1612  [Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 

8  Chamberlain  to  Mrs.  Alice  Carleton,  February  14th,  1613  {Court 
and  Times  of  James  I.,  I.  222). 


WILLIAM,    SECOND    EARL    OF    SALISBURY,    K.G. 


Vaiuhck 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  221 

child  took  place  in  the  chapel  at  Court,  "  whence 
the  Queen,  Prince  Palatine,  Lady  Ehzabeth's 
highness,  and  all  the  company  conveyed  it  home, 
and  went  by  water  to  the  banquet."  ^ 

We  hear  little  of  Lord  Salisbury  for  the  next 
few  years,  and  may  conclude  that  he  was  immersed 
in  the  affairs  of  his  estate  and  of  his  rapidly  growing 
family.  His  first  son,  James,  was  born  in  May, 
1616,  but  though  "  the  King  was  his  godfather 
in  person  and  held  him  at  the  font  all  the  while 
he  was  christening,  and  gave  him  the  reversion 
of  all  his  father's  places  and  offices,  yet  all  these 
favours  could  not  prolong  life,"  ^  and  the  child 
died  in  the  following  October.  Another  son, 
Charles  (born,  1619),  lived  to  have  a  large  family 
in  his  turn,  though,  dying  before  his  father,  he 
did  not  come  into  the  title. 

Salisbury  continued  to  enjoy  the  Royal  favour, 
and  was  created  a  K.G.  by  James,  in  1624.  Two 
years  later  he  was  admitted  by  Charles  to  the 
Privy  Council,  and  he  also  received  a  promise  of 
the  reversion  of  the  office  of  Master  of  the  Court 
of  Wards,  held  so  long  by  his  father  and  grand- 
father, and  now  administered  by  Sir  R.  Naunton.^ 
But  when  the  latter  resigned  in  1635,  he  was 
passed  over  and  Lord  Cottington  was  selected 
for  the  post.  "  Salisbury,"  says  Gardiner,  "  was 
notoriously   incompetent   to   fulfil   the   duties   of 

1  Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  I.  229. 

2  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  November  gth,  1616  [ibid.,  I.  436). 

^  Juh'  th,  1630  [Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.).  The  promise  is  qiiahfied  by 
the  res(  /ation :  "  unless,  in  the  meantime,  the  King  shall  take  some 
other  occasion  to  express  his  esteem  for  him." 


222  THE   CECILS 

any  office  calling  for  the  exercise  of  the  most 
ordinary  ability,  and  a  letter  drawn  up  by 
Cottington  himself  informed  him  that,  though 
his  Majesty  would  not  forget  him,  he  would  not 
make  him  Master  of  the  Wards."  ^ 

This  severe  judgment  appears  to  be  exaggerated. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  had  been  arranged  several 
years  before  that  Cottington  should  receive  the 
Mastership  of  the  Wards,  while  Naunton  was  to 
be  "  satisfied  with  a  sum  of  money,"  and 
Sahsbury  was  to  succeed  to  the  posts  held  by  his 
father-in-law.  Lord  Suffolk,  whose  death  was 
shortly  expected.  As,  however,  the  latter 
expectation  was  not  fulfilled,  the  plan  fell 
through.^  Salisbury  now  received  the  post  of 
Captain  of  the  Gentleman  Pensioners,  which  he 
filled  for  eight  years. 

On  the  outbreak  of  war  with  the  Scots,  in 
1639,  Sahsbury  joined  the  King's  forces,  and  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to  carry  on 
the  negotiations  with  the  Covenanters,  which 
resulted  in  the  Treaty  of  Berwick.  After  this 
unsatisfactory  peace  had  been  signed,  the  Scots 
published  a  paper  containing  "  sundry  strange 
glosses  and  interpretations  upon  the  Articles  of 
Pacification,"  and  at  the  same  time  it  was 
reported  that  several  of  the  Enghsh  com- 
missioners, including  Lord  Sahsbury,  had  seen 
and  approved  of  this  paper  and  had  distributed 

1  History,  VIII.  70  ;    Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  ;    Charles  I.,  VII.  529. 

2  W.  Murray  to  Sir  Henry  Vane,  December  i8th,  1631  (CaL  S.  P. 
Dom.). 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  223 

it  in  England.  The  accusation  stung  the  Earl  to 
the  quick.  "  The  report  is  so  false,"  he  writes 
to  Windebank,  "  as  there  can  be  no  man  either 
of  honour  or  honesty  that  dare  avow  any  such 
thing.  ...  I  am  infinitely  sensible  of  this  aspersion 
so  falsely  laid  upon  me,  and  did  not  my  conscience 
tell  me  how  clear  I  am,  I  should  not  have  a  quiet 
hour,  especially  if  any  such  report  should  come 
to  his  Majesty,  who  I  know  is  so  just  as  he  will 
not  easily  believe  that  I  am  guilty  of  so  much 
want  of  duty,  either  to  know  or  to  publish  any- 
thing to  his  disservice  :  my  actions,  past  and  to 
come,  have  and  shall  ever  justify  the  contrary." 
The  matter  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
King,  the  accused  lords  were  able,  without  diffi- 
culty, to  clear  themselves  of  the  "  scandalous 
charge,"  and  the  "  false  and  seditious  paper " 
was  damned  by  proclamation  and  publicly  burnt 
by  the  hangman.^ 

The  value  of  Salisbury's  protestations  of 
loyalty  was  soon  to  be  proved.  In  September, 
1640,  he  was  one  of  the  fifteen  noblemen,  "  all 
popular  men,"  chosen  by  the  King  as  com- 
missioners to  treat  with  the  Scots  at  Ripon.^ 
After  this  he  sat  on  the  fence,  afraid  to  throw 
in  his  lot  completely  with  either  party.  His 
sympathies  seem  always  to  have  been  with  the 
Parliament,  and  that  his  abilities  were  not  so 
negligible  as  Gardiner  supposes  is  proved  by  the 
fact  that  the  Lords,  in  December,  1641,  resolved 

'  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  ;    Charles  I.,  XIV.  294,  402,  432,  etc. 
2  Clarendon,  History  of  the  Rebellion,  ed.  1826,  I.  274,  279. 


224  THE   CECILS 

to  recommend  him  as  Lord  Treasurer.  Shortly 
afterwards  he  incurred  their  displeasure  by 
joining  the  King  at  York,  and  "  at  that 
distance,"  says  Clarendon,  "  seemed  to  have 
recovered  some  courage,  and  concurred  in  all 
councils  which  were  taken  to  undeceive  the 
people  and  to  make  the  proceedings  of  the 
Parliament  odious  to  all  the  world." 

He  was  one  of  those  who  signed  the  declaration 
that  the  King  had  no  intention  of  making  war 
on  Parliament,  in  June,  1642  ;  but  having  done 
so,  he  suddenly  became  frightened  and  fled  back 
to  London,  "  and  never  after  denied  to  do  any- 
thing that  was  required  of  him."  He  became 
an  obedient  servant  of  Parliament,  and  was 
prominent  in  its  councils.  He  was  one  of  the 
commissioners  sent  to  treat  with  the  King  at 
Oxford  in  1643,  at  Uxbridge  in  1645,  and  at 
Newport  in  1648  ;  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Assembly  of  Divines,  and  in  1645  he  was  voted 
a  marquessate.  From  July  to  October,  1646, 
he  was  a  Commissioner  of  the  Great  Seal,  and 
in  1649,  after  the  King's  death,  a  member  of 
the  Council  of  State. 

Clarendon's  character  of  Lord  Salisbury  has 
often  been  quoted,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  fact  that  the  Earl  adopted  the  popular 
side  was  enough  to  prejudice  the  Royalist  historian 
against  him. 

"  The  Earl  of  Salisbury,"  he  says,  "  had  been  born  and 
bred  in  Court  and  had  the  advantage  of  a  descent  from  a 
father  and  grandfather  who  had  been  very  wise  men,  and 


THE  SALISBURY   LINE  225 

great  ministers  of  State  in  the  eyes  of  Christendom  : 
whose  wisdom  and  virtues  died  with  them,  and  their 
children  only  inherited  their  titles.  He  had  been  admitted 
of  the  Council  to  King  James  ;  from  which  time  he  con- 
tinued so  obsequious  to  the  Court,  that  he  never  failed 
in  over-acting  all  that  he  was  required  to  do.  No  act  of 
power  was  ever  proposed,  which  he  did  not  advance,  and 
execute  his  part  with  the  utmost  rigour.  No  man  so  great 
a  tyrant  in  his  country,  or  was  less  swayed  by  any  motives 
of  justice  or  honour.  He  was  a  man  of  no  words,  except 
in  hunting  and  hawking,  in  which  he  only  knew  how  to 
behave  himself.  In  matters  of  State  and  council  he 
always  concurred  in  what  was  proposed  by  the  King  and 
cancelled  and  repaired  all  those  transgressions,  by  con- 
curring in  all  that  was  proposed  against  him,  as  soon  as 
any  such  propositions  were  made." 

After  describing  how  he  joined  the  King  at 
York  and  returned  in  haste  to  London,  he 
proceeds  : — 

"  And  when  the  war  was  ended,  and  Cromwell  had  put 
down  the  House  of  Peers,  he  got  himself  to  be  chosen  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Commons  ;  and  sat  with  them,  as 
of  their  own  body  ;  and  was  esteemed  accordingly.  In 
a  word,  he  became  so  despicable  to  all  men,  that  he  will 
hardly  enjoy  the  ease  which  Seneca  bequeathed  him  : 
His  egregiis  majoribus  orius  est,  qualisciinque  est,  sub 
umbra  snorum  lateat  ;  ut  loca  sordida  repercussa  sole  illus- 
trantur,  ita  inertes  major  urn  suorum  luce  resplendeant."  ^ 

"  My  simple  Lord  Salisbury,"  as  Pepys  calls 
him,  lived  to  see  the  birth  of  his  great-grandson, 
afterwards  the  fourth  Earl,  and  died  in  1668  at 
the  ripe  age  of  seventy-seven.  He  had  a  large 
family,  eight  sons  and  five  daughters  in  all.     Of 

1  History  of  the  Rebellion,  ed.  1S26,  III.  559. 

c.  g 


226  THE   CECILS 

his  sons,  Charles,  Viscount  Cranborne  (1619 — 
1660)  was  made  a  Knight  of  the  Bath  at  the 
Coronation  of  Charles  I.,  and  married  Diana 
Maxwell,  daughter  and  co-heir  of  James  Maxwell, 
Earl  of  Dirletoun,  and  younger  sister  of  the 
Duchess  of  Hamilton.  She  received  from  her  father 
a  portion  of  £18,000,  £4,000  in  jewels,  £800  a  year 
in  land  in  England,  and  half  his  Scottish  land. 
"  A  great  portion  !  "  exclaims  a  contemporary, 
"  But  I  hate  marriages  made  for  money,  and 
they  have  lost  their  reputation,  both  son  and 
father,  for  this  high  avariciousness."  ^  Lord 
Cranborne  sat  in  the  Long  Parliament,  as  did 
two  of  his  brothers,  Robert  and  Algernon.  Another 
brother,  William,  of  Tewin,  Hertfordshire,  was 
Governor  of  the  garrisons  of  Kilmore  and  London- 
derry, and  Colonel  of  the  Battleaxe  Guard  in 
the  City  of  Dublin.  Of  their  sisters,  Anne,  the 
eldest,  married  Algernon  Percy,  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland." "  Fortune,"  says  Osborne,  "  did  allot 
Lord  Percy  a  wife  out  of  the  family  of  Salisbury, 
whose  blood  the  father  said  would  not  mingle  in 
a  basin,  so  averse  was  he  from  it."  Anne  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  very  amiable,  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  wish  expressed  by  Lord  Conway, 
"  that  her  child  may  have  a  face  like  hers,  but 
all  parts  like  his  father's."  ^  Conway  was,  how- 
ever,  a   devoted   admirer   of   the   second    sister, 

1  George  Garrard  to  Lord  Conway,  March  28th,  1639  {Cal.  S.  P. 
Dom.). 

2  Writing  to  Dorchester  to  announce  the  birth  of  their  first  child 
Salisbury  remarks  that  "  his  daughter  is  a  mother  of  a  female  animal 
and  himself  a  grandfather,"  August  i6th,  1630  [ibid.). 

•*  Garrard  to  Conway,  September  i8th,  1635  {ibid.). 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  227 

Elizabeth,  of  whom  he  wrote  that  he  "  hopes 
he  may  find  his  faith  and  zeal  in  her  service 
rewarded  with  the  gracious  look  that  makes  the 
devils  forget  Hell,  and  the  angels  Heaven."  ^ 
Elizabeth  married  William  Cavendish,  Earl  of 
Devonshire,  and  dying  in  1689,  was  buried  in 
Henry  VII. 's  Chapel  in  Westminster  Abbey. 
Their  daughter,  Anne,  married  the  fifth  Earl  of 
Exeter  (see  p.  133),  and  their  son  was  the  first 
Duke  of  Devonshire.  A  third  sister,  Catherine, 
married  Philip  Sidney,  afterwards  third  Earl  of 
Leicester. 

The  second  Earl  of  Salisbury  was  succeeded 
by  his  grandson,  James,^  son  of  Charles,  Lord 
Cranborne.  Bom  in  1648,  he  travelled  in  France 
with  his  brother,  Robert ;  finished  his  education 
at  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge ;  served  on 
board  the  Royal  Charles  against  the  Dutch  at 
the  age  of  eighteen ;  and,  in  1668,  was  member 
of  Parliament  for  Hertfordshire.  In  the  same 
year  he  succeeded  to  the  peerage.  A  contem- 
porary at  Cambridge  recorded  his  conviction 
that  "  he  was  for  loyalty,  generosity  and  affa- 
bility, most  likely  to  advance  the  ancient  and 
noble  name  of  Cecil  to  the  utmost  period  of 
glory,"  ^  but  this  sanguine  expectation  was 
disappointed,  for  the  third  Earl  did  little  to 
distinguish  himself.  A  staunch  supporter  of 
Buckingham   and   Shaftesbury,    he   was   sent   to 

1  Conway  to  Garrard,  May  20th,  1640  {Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.). 
"^  From  this  time  onwards  the  eldest  son  has  always  borne  the  name 
of  James. 

^  Barnes,  Hist,  of  Edward  III.,  p.  75,  quoted  by  Collins. 

Q2 


228  THE   CECILS 

the  Tower  with  those  lords  in  February,  1677, 
for  maintaining  that  the  Parhament,  which  had 
been  prorogued  for  nearly  fifteen  months,  was 
in  fact  dissolved,  and  demanding  that  a  new 
Parliament  should  be  called.  In  June  he  was 
allowed  to  go  to  Hatfield,  "  his  health  being 
much  impaired,  and  his  wife  being  near  her 
confinement,"  and  at  the  end  of  July,  being  loth 
to  return  to  the  Tower,  he  made  his  submission 
and  was  discharged.^  In  January,  1679,  ^^  ^^^ 
sworn  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  in  August, 
1680,  received  the  Garter. 

In  spite  of  these  marks  of  Royal  favour,  he 
continued  his  opposition  to  the  King.  He  was 
a  zealous  opponent  of  the  Duke  of  York's  succes- 
sion, and  carried  his  hostility  to  that  Prince  so 
far  as  to  treat  him  on  one  occasion  with  gross 
incivility.  On  October  27th,  1679,  "the  Duke  and 
Duchess,  with  the  Princess  Anne,  their  daughter, 
set  out  from  London  for  Scotland,  intending  to 
sleep  the  first  night  at  Hatfield.  Arrived  there, 
however,  they  found  no  preparations  made  for 
their  reception,  and  Lord  Salisbury,  instead  of 
being  at  home  to  welcome  his  guests,  sent  a 
message  from  Quickswood,  "  to  excuse  his  not 
coming  to  wait  upon  his  Royal  Highness,  for 
that  he  had  been  let  blood  five  days  before." 
There  was  no  food  or  drink  in  the  house,  except 
"  two  does  upon  the  table,  and  one  barrel  of 
small  beer "  ;  no  fires  were  lighted,  though  a 
pile  of  faggots  had  been  considerately  left  behind. 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom. 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  229 

Even  the  candlesticks  had  been  taken  away,  and 
the  Duke's  servants  were  obHged  to  borrow  some 
in  the  town,  and  to  buy  candles  and  all  else  that 
was  necessary.  Some  of  the  neighbouring  gentry 
came  to  the  rescue  and  entertained  members  of 
the  suite,  but  the  Duke  and  Duchess  had  to  put 
up  with  the  greatest  discomfort.  By  way  of 
showing  his  contempt  for  such  behaviour,  the 
Duke  gave  orders  that  all  that  was  consumed  of 
what  was  in  the  house  should  be  paid  for,  and 
the  depth  of  degradation  was  reached  when  Salis- 
bury's steward  accepted  payment  for  the  pile  of 
faggots,  and  eight  shilhngs  for  the  barrel  of  beer.^ 
In  January,  1681,  when  the  King  dissolved 
Parliament,  as  a  result  of  the  action  of  the 
Commons  after  the  Exclusion  Bill  had  been 
thrown  out  by  the  Lords,  Salisbury,  at  a  meeting 
of  the  Privy  Council,  spoke  strongly  against  the 
dissolution,  and,  "  not  prevailing,  desired  his 
Majesty's  leave  to  be  excused  his  attendance 
in  Council,  which  his  Majesty  granted  accord- 
ingly." "  After  this  act  of  independence  we 
hear  no  more  of  his  public  life.  In  August, 
1682,  he  went  to  France  with  his  wife,  who  had 
been  ordered  to  "  take  the  waters "  for  the 
recovery  of  her  health  ;  but  "  at  Paris  she  was 
taken  ill  and  died,  to  the  great  grief  of  his 
lordship."^  The  Earl  survived  her  a  few  months 
only,  and  died  in  May,  1683,  aged  thirty-five. 


1  Letters  of  Algernon  Sidney  to  Henry  Savile,  1742,  pp.  155,  156. 

2  LuttreU's  Diary,  I.  64. 
'  Ibid.,  I.  211,  215. 


230  THE   CECILS 

By  his  wife,  Margaret,  daughter  of  the  eighth 
Earl  of  Rutland,  Salisbury  had  five  sons  and  five 
daughters.  His  eldest  son,  James,  succeeded  as 
fourth  Earl,  at  the  age  of  eighteen.  One  of  his 
first  acts  was  to  wait  on  his  Majesty  and  "  beg 
his  pardon  for  his  father's  being  concerned  in 
any  parts  against  his  Majesty's  interest."  ^ 

In  the  same  year,  1683,  he  married  Frances 
Bennet,  daughter  and  co-heir  of  Simon  Bennet, 
of  Bechampton  ;  but  as  she  was  not  of  age, 
being  indeed,  as  we  are  told,  "  about  thirteen 
years  old,"  she  forfeited  most  of  her  fortune. 
He  afterwards  travelled  in  France  and  Italy, 
and  on  his  return  was  appointed  High  Steward 
of  Hertford,  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  horse, 
and  Gentleman  of  the  Bedchamber  to  James  II. 
In  1688  he  was  one  of  those  who,  judging  from 
the  King's  favour  to  the  Catholics  that  the 
moment  was  favourable,  turned  Papist.  "  Of  the 
renegades,"  says  Macaulay,  "  the  Earls  of  Peter- 
borough and  Salisbury  were  the  highest  in  rank, 
but  were  also  the  lowest  in  intellect ;  for  Salisbury 
had  always  been  an  idiot,  and  Peterborough  had 
long  been  a  dotard."  Alas  !  the  nemesis  which 
waits  on  opportunism  overtook  him  before  he 
had  enjoyed  the  exercise  of  his  new  religion  for 
more  than  a  few  months.  The  rumour  of  the 
coming  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  threw  him  into 
a  deplorable  state  of  anxiety  and  trepidation. 
About  every  hour  he  would  send  his  men  to 
Whitehall  to  hear  the  news.     "  Then,  when  he 

^ILuttrell,  I.  269. 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  231 

heard  that  the  Prince  was  coming  and  landed, 
and  how  he  was  received,  he  lamented  sadly, 
and  curst  and  damned  all  about  him,  crying, 
'  O  God  !  O  God  !  O  God  !  I  turn'd  too  soon, 
I  turn'd  too  soon.'  "  ^ 

In  December  the  grand  jury  of  Middlesex 
found  a  bill  of  high  treason  against  him  for  turning 
Papist,  "  and  presented  his  troop  for  a  nuisance 
in  riding  the  streets  armed,  contrary  to  law." 
He  endeavoured  to  escape  with  Lord  Peterborough, 
but  they  were  seized  in  Kent,  and  committed  to 
the  Tower.  In  the  following  October,  the  two 
Earls  were  impeached  by  the  Commons  and  sent 
back  to  the  Tower,  where  they  remained  until 
October,  1690,  when,  having  petitioned  the  House 
of  Lords,  they  were  brought  before  the  bar  of 
that  House  and  admitted  to  bail,  each  in  two 
sureties  of  £5,000  apiece.^ 

Meanwhile,  Salisbury  had  sent  two  of  his 
younger  brothers,  William  and  Charles,  to  "  a 
popish  seminary  "  in  Paris,  and  a  writ  de  homine 
replegiando  had  been  brought  against  him  in 
June,  1689,  to  compel  him  to  fetch  them  home. 
This  order  he  seems  to  have  evaded,  for  soon 
after  his  release  from  the  Tower,  news  came  that 
the  two  youths  "  fell  out  in  their  bed  and  got  up 
in  their  shirts  and  fought  desperately  before  they 
could  be  parted,  both  of  them  much  wounded."^ 
The  result  of  this  quarrel  was  more  serious 
than  at   first  appeared,  for   William  died  of  his 

1  De  la  Pryme's  Diary  (Surtees  Society),  p.  94. 

2  Luttrell.  I.  483,  487,  II.  113. 
8  Ihid.,  II.  185. 


232  THE   CECILS 

injuries.^  Charles  also  met  with  a  sad  end,  being  set 
upon  in  the  streets  of  Rome  and  murdered,  in  1702. 

The  Earl's  misfortunes  were  not  yet  at  an  end, 
for  in  1692  he  became  involved,  through  no 
fault  of  his  own,  in  a  charge  of  conspiracy  to 
restore  James  II.,  and  was  again  committed  to 
the  Tower.  It  was,  however,  soon  discovered 
that  the  document  to  which  his  signature  and 
those  of  Marlborough,  Combury,  Sancroft  and 
Sprat  were  appended  was  a  forgery  drawn  up 
by  Robert  Young,  of  whose  enterprising  career 
Macaulay  has  given  an  interesting  account,  and 
the  incriminated  persons  were  released. 

Lord  Salisbury  died  in  October,  1694,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-nine,  leaving  a  son  about  three 
years  old  to  succeed  him  in  his  title  and  estates. 
Macaulay  sums  him  up  in  these  words  :  "  Salisbury 
was  foolish  to  a  proverb.  His  figure  was  so 
bloated  by  sensual  indulgence  as  to  be  almost 
incapable  of  moving,  and  this  sluggish  body  was 
the  abode  of  an  equally  sluggish  mind."  To 
which  repulsive  portrait  we  may  append  the 
following  verses,  fixed  to  his  door  in  1686,  which 
serve  to  show  what  the  populace  thought  of  him. 

"  If  Cecil  the  wise 
From  his  grave  should  arise 
And  see  this  fat  beast  in  his  place, 
He  would  take  him  from  Mass 
And  turn  him  to  grass, 
And  swear  he  was  none  of  his  race."  ^ 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Doni.,  March  17th,  1691. 

^  De  la  Pryme's  Diary,  p.  94.     Slightly  different  versions  are  given 
in  Poems  on  Affairs  of  State,  Part  II.  1697  and  1716. 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  233 

James  Cecil,  the  fifth  Earl  (1691 — 1728),  was 
a  good-natured  nonentity,  addicted  to  low 
pleasures.  He  was  ruled  by  his  capable  wife, 
Anne  Tufton,  daughter  and  co-heir  of  the 
Earl  of  Thanet,  and  herself  a  descendant  of  Lord 
Burghley.^  Their  son,  the  sixth  Earl  (1713— 
1780),  inherited  his  father's  evil  proclivities,  and 
though  he  is  said  to  have  been  unmercifully 
beaten  by  his  mother  in  his  youth,^  this  discipline 
proved  ineffectual,  and  he  brought  ridicule  and 
contempt,  if  not  disgrace,  on  the  name  of  Cecil. 
Deserting  Hatfield,  he  took  up  his  residence  at 
Quickswood,  near  Baldock,  where  he  was  able 
to  indulge  in  the  congenial  society  of  his 
inferiors. 

One  of  his  exploits  was  to  drive  the  Hatfield 
coach,  a  proceeding  which  excited  considerable 
scandal.     Pope  alludes  to  him  in  the  Dunciad :  ^ 

From  stage  to  stage  the  licensed  Earl  may  run, 
Paired  with  his  fellow-charioteer  the  Sun. 

And  Hogarth,  in  his  picture  of  "  Night," 
commemorates  the  upset  of  the  "  Salisbury  Flying 
Coach  " — said  to  have  been  a  not  unusual  incident 
when  his  lordship  was  driving.  In  1744  he 
further  shocked  society  by  marrying  Elizabeth 
Keet,  a  lady  of  inferior  rank,  whose  brother 
became  Rector  of  Hatfield.     Mrs.   Delany  makes 

^  Her  great  grandmother  was  Frances  Cecil,  daughter  of  the  first 
Earl  of  Exeter.  Through  this  marriage  the  dormant  Barony  of  Ogle 
came  into  the  family. 

'■^  J.  J.  Antrobus,  Hatfield  :    Some  Memories  of  its  Past,  p.  86. 

'  Book  IV.,  lines  588,  589  ;  and  see  note  thereon  in  Elvvin  and 
Courthope's  edition. 


234  THE   CECILS 

the    following    caustic    comment    on    the    occa- 
sion : — 

"  My  Lord  Salisbury's  match  did  not  surprise  me  ;  his 
steward,  perhaps,  may  be  a  gentleman  of  as  good  a  family 
as  himself,  and  a  woman  of  rank  and  knowledge  of  the 
world  would  not  have  accepted  of  a  coachman,  although 
he  was  a  peer  of  the  realm  !  "  ^ 

But  though  Elizabeth  may  not  have  been  the 
social  equal  of  her  husband,  she  was  a  sensible, 
virtuous  woman,  and  a  good  mother.  For  two 
years  after  their  marriage  they  lived  at  Hatfield ; 
then  the  Earl  returned  to  his  haunts  at  Quicks- 
wood,  while  his  wife  lived,  for  the  most  part, 
quietly  in  London,  attending  to  the  education  of 
her  children.^ 

During  this  time  Hatfield  had  fallen  into  great 
disrepair,  and  the  Earl  was  so  devoid  of  family 
feeling  that  he  even  disposed  of  all  the  family 
plate. ^  This  was  a  loss  which  could  not  be 
repaired  ;  but  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  his  son  and 
successor,  not  only  to  restore  Hatfield  to  its 
former  splendour,  but  also  to  retrieve  the  honour 
and  the  fortunes  of  the  family. 

"  As  the  ashes  of  the  Cecils  are  rekindling,  perhaps  a 
Phoenix  may  arise,"  wrote  Horace  Walpole,^  "  I  remember 
Lord  Hervey  saying  that  everything  degenerated  and 
dwindled,  and  instancing  the  last  Lord  Salisbury,  who,  he 
said,  was  the  cucumber  of  Burleigh  [read  Hatfield]. 
Well,  then,  as  matters,  when  they  can  go  no  lower,  may 
mount  again,  who  knows  what  may  happen,  Madam  ?  " 

'  Mrs.  Delany  to  Mrs.  Dewes,  March  2nd,  1745. 

'  Antrobus,  Hatfield,  pp.  92,  93. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  92. 

*  Letters,  Cunningham's  edition,  IX.  30,  November  i6th,  1785. 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  235 

Bom  in  1748,  James  Cecil,  the  seventh  Earl, 
was  constituted  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Hertfordshire 
at  the  age  of  twenty- three,  while  still  Lord 
Cranborne,  and  continued  to  hold  that  position 
until  his  death.  For  forty  years  he  was  colonel 
of  the  Herts  Militia,  and  he  sat  in  Parliament 
as  member  for  Great  Bedwyn  from  1774  to  1780, 
when  he  was  returned  for  Launceston.  In  the 
same  year  he  was  appointed  Treasurer  of  the 
Household,  and  on  succeeding  to  the  title,  he  was 
sworn  of  the  Privy  Council.  Three  years  later 
he  was  made  Lord  Chamberlain,  and  being  a 
great  favourite  with  George  III.  he  retained  this 
office  for  upwards  of  twenty  years  (1783 — 1804). 
In  this  capacity  he  earned  the  ill-will  of  managers 
of  the  Opera,  by  giving  free  passes  wholesale  to 
"  servants,  it  is  supposed,  Hertfordshire  voters 
eke,"  to  the  value  of  £400  in  one  season  ;  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  claim  a  similar  right  of  dis- 
tributing passes  for  his  heirs  and  assigns  for  ever.^ 

In  1773  Lord  Salisbury  married  Lady  Mary 
Amelia  Hill,  daughter  of  the  Marquess  of  Down- 
shire,  a  woman  of  remarkable  character  and 
abilities.  They  were  both  staunch  supporters  of 
Pitt,  and  in  the  famous  Westminster  election  of 
1784,  when  the  Duchess  of  Devonshire,  on  behalf 
of  the  Whigs,  was  working  strenuously  to  secure 
the  return  of  Fox,  the  Court  party  put  forward 
the  Countess  of  Salisbury  to  counteract  her 
influence. 

1  Walpole's  Letters,  Cunningham's  edition,  1891,  IX.  299,  March 
27th,  I 791. 


236  THE   CECILS 

"  In  grace  of  person  and  demeanour,"  says  Wraxall  in 
his  Diary,  "no  less  than  in  mental  attainments,  Lady 
Salisbury  yielded  to  few  females  of  the  Court  of  George  III. 
But  she  wanted,  nevertheless,  two  qualities  eminently 
contributing  to  success  in  such  a  struggle,  both  of  which 
met  in  her  political  rival.  The  first  of  these  was  youth, 
the  Duchess  numbering  scarcely  twenty-six  years,  while 
the  Countess  had  nearly  completed  thirty-four.  The 
Duchess  of  Devonshire  never  seemed  to  be  conscious  of 
her  rank  :  Lady  Salisbury  ceased  not  for  an  instant  to 
remember  and  to  compel  others  to  recollect  it.  Nor  did 
the  effects  fail  to  correspond  with  the  moral  causes  thus 
put  into  action.  Every  day  augmenting  Fox's  majority, 
it  appeared  that  on  the  i6th  of  May,  to  which  period  the 
contest  was  protracted,  he  stood  235  votes  above  Sir 
Cecil  [Wray]  on  the  books  of  the  poll." 

In  1789  the  Earl  was  advanced  to  the  rank 
of  Marquess,^  and  four  years  later  was  invested 
with  the  Order  of  the  Garter.  It  is  characteristic 
of  the  Marchioness  that  she  looked  upon  this 
honour  as  hers,  and  immediately  had  herself  painted 
by  Cosway,  decked  with  the  insignia  of  the  Order. 

Lord  Salisbury  filled  no  more  offices  except 
a  minor  one,  that  of  Joint  Postmaster-General 
in  the  Ministiy  of  1816,  but  he  played  his  part 
with  dignity  .and  distinction,  and  George  Ticknor, 
who  saw  him  in  18 19,  describes  him  as  "  seventy 
years  old  and  well  preserved,  and  a  specimen  of 
the  gentleman  of  the  last  generation,  with  easy 
elegant  manners,  and  a  proud,  graceful  courtesy."  ^ 

1  On  this  occasion  the  King  is  reported  to  have  said  "  Now,  my  Lord, 
I  trust  you  will  be  an  English  Marquess,  and  not  a  French  Marquis." 
Sir  M.  Grant  Duff,  Notes  from  a  Diary,  June  21st,  1898. 

"^  Life  of  George  Ticknor,  I.  268. 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  237 

He  died  in  1823,  at  the  age  of  seventy-five,  his 
wife  surviving  him  by  twelve  years. 

"  Old  Sarum,"  as  she  was  irreverently  called, 
remained  to  the  last  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of 
society.  Her  "  assemblies  "  were  said  to  be  the 
best  of  their  class  in  London,  and  the  hostess,  a 
typical  "  great  lady  "  of  the  old  school,  with  her 
fine  figure  and  courtly  manners,  could  not  fail 
to  be  the  centre  of  attraction.  For  nearly  half 
a  century  her  Sunday  parties  and  suppers  in 
Arlington  Street  were  frequented  by  all  the 
most  distinguished  society  in  London.  To  these 
parties  no  cards  of  invitation  were  sent  out. 
"  It  was  always  '  Come  to.  me  on  Sunday,'  to 
those  whom  she  met  in  the  preceding  week,  and 
all  the  young  aspirants  were  anxious  to  attract 
her  notice."  ^ 

At  one  of  her  parties  at  Hatfield  she  had  the 
misfortune  to  be  knocked  down  by  some  of  the 
dancers,  whereupon  a  wit,  said  to  have  been 
Lord  Lytton,  celebrated  the  occasion  in  the 
following  verses  : — 

"  Conservatives  at  Hatfield  House 
Have  grown  quite  harum-scarum  ; 
For  Radicals  could  do  no  more 
Than  overturn  Old  Sanim." 

To  the  last  she  adhered  to  the  state  of  her 
early  days,  going  to  Court  in  a  sedan  chair  with 
magnificent  liveries,  and  driving  in  the  park  in 
a   phaeton   with   four   black   ponies.     Here   is   a 

^  Raikes'  Diary,  December  2nd,  1S35. 


238  THE   CECILS 

picture  of  her  drawn  by  Creevey  on  the  occasion 
of  a  visit  of  the  Dowager  to  Stoke  in  1828  : — 

"  Old  Salisbury  arrived  yesterday  ...  in  her  accus- 
tomed manner,  in  a  phaeton  drawn  by  four  long-tail  black 
Flanders  mares.  She  driving  the  wheel  horses  and  a 
postilion  on  the  leaders  with  two  outriders  on  correspond- 
ing longtail  blacks.  Her  man  and  maid  were  in  her  chaise 
behind,  her  groom  and  saddle  horses  arrived  some  time 
after  her.  It  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  antiquity 
of  her  face.  If  as  alleged  she  is  only  74  years  old  [she 
was  'j']'\,  it  is  the  most  cracked  or  rather  furrowed  piece  of 
mosaic  you  ever  saw  ;  but  her  dress,  in  the  colours  of  it  at 
least,  is  absolutely  infantine.  ...  I  wish  you  just  saw 
her  as  I  do  now.  She  thinks  she  is  alone,  and  I  am  writing 
at  the  end  of  the  adjoining  room,  the  folding  doors  being 
open.  She  is  reclining  on  a  sofa,  reading  the  Edinburgh 
Review,  without  spectacles  or  glass  of  any  kind.  Her 
dress  is  white  muslin,  properly  loaded  with  garniture,  and 
she  has  just  put  off  a  very  large  bonnet,  profusely  gifted 
with  bright  lilac  ribbons,  leaving  on  her  head  a  very  nice 
lace  cap,  not  less  adorned  with  the  brightest  yellow 
ribbons." 

But  it  was  not  only  as  a  society  leader  that 
Lady  Salisbury  was  famous.  She  achieved 
perhaps  even  greater  renown  in  the  hunting  field. 
In  early  life  she  hunted  with  the  Quorn  hounds, 
which  belonged  to  the  celebrated  Hugh  Meynell, 
of  Quomdon  Hall.  In  those  days  foxhunting 
was  in  its  infancy,  and  she  was  one  of  the  first 
English  ladies  to  devote  herself  to  the  sport. 
In  1793  she  became  Mistress  of  the  Hertfordshire 
Hounds — called  the  Hatfield  Hounds  during  her 
reign — and  hunted  with  them  regularly  until  her 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  239 

seventy-eighth  year,  clad  in  sky-blue  habit  with 
black  velvet  collar  and  cuffs  and  a  jockey  cap, 
the  uniform  of  the  hunt.  Many  tales  are  told 
of  her  exploits  in  the  field.  Thus,  in  the  Sporting 
Magazine  for  March,  1795,  there  is  an  account  of 
her  triumphs  in  a  great  run  of  two  hours  and  a 
half.  "  Out  of  a  field  of  four  score,"  says  her 
enthusiastic  chronicler,  "  her  ladyship  soon  gave 
honest  Daniel  the  go-by  ;  pressed  Mr.  Hale  neck 
and  neck,  soon  bio  wed  the  whipper-in  ;  and 
continued,  indeed,  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
chase,  to  be  nearest  the  brush."  ^ 

In  her  last  years  she  is  said  to  have  been  tied 
into  the  saddle,  and  when  she  became  too  blind 
to  see  the  fences,  a  groom  would  lead  her  horse, 
and  at  the  critical  moment  would  shout,  "  Damn 
you,  my  lady,  jump  !  "  ^  Even  when  she  was 
obliged  to  give  up  following  foxhounds,  she  said 
she  thought  she  was  good  enough  to  hunt  with 
the  harriers.^ 

She  was  game  to  the  end.  In  1833,  two  years 
before  her  death,  she  is  reported  as  "  more 
youthful  than  ever,"  and  as  about  to  go  to 
the  Berkhamsted  Ball,  "  which  she  attends 
annually."  *  An  amusing  story  is  told  of  her  in 
the  following  year  by  the  Duchesse  de  Dino  ' : — 

"  Last  Sunday  she  was  at  church,  a  rare  thing  with  her, 
and  the  preacher,  speaking  of  the  Fall,  observed  that 

1  Quoted  by  the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  in  Hunting,  p.  15. 

2  Antrobus,  Hatfield,  p.  96. 

*  See  Victoria  County  History,  Hertfordshire,  I.  349. 

^  Lady  Louisa  Molyneux  to  Creevey,  October  30th,  1833. 

*  Memoirs,  May  ist,  1834. 


240  THE   CECILS 

Adam  excusing  himself  had  cried  out,  '  Lord,  the  woman 
tempted  me.'  At  this  quotation  Lady  Sahsbury,  who 
appeared  not  to  have  heard  of  the  incident  before,  jumped 
up  in  her  seat,  saying, '  Shabby  fellow  indeed  !  '  " 

Her  fate  was  a  tragic  one.  On  Thursday, 
November  26th,  1835,  she  travelled  to  Hatfield 
to  spend  Christmas  with  her  son,  as  was  her 
custom.  On  the  following  evening  she  retired 
to  her  dressing-room  at  five  o'clock,  and  a  few 
minutes  later  her  maid  left  her  writing  letters 
by  the  light  of  three  candles.  She  was  never 
seen  again.  Soon  afterwards  the  household  was 
attracted  by  the  smell  of  fire  and  endeavoured 
to  enter  the  room,  but  already  the  flames  had 
attained  such  a  hold  that  entrance  was  impossible, 
and  before  they  were  finally  extinguished  at 
eleven  o'clock  at  night,  the  whole  of  the  west 
wing  was  burnt  out,  while  of  the  Dowager 
Marchioness  nothing  remained  but  a  few  charred 
bones. 

She  left  one  son,  the  second  Marquess,  and 
two  daughters,  of  whom  the  elder,  Lady  Georgiana, 
married  Sir  Henry  Wellesley,  afterwards  Lord 
Cowley,  a  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
while  the  younger.  Lady  Emily,  made  a  less 
fortunate  marriage  with  the  Marquess  of  West- 
meath,  from  whom  she  was  afterwards  separated. 

The  second  Marquess  of  Salisbury  had  a  long 
and  honourable  career.  On  leaving  Oxford,  he 
proceeded  to  stand  for  Hertford  at  the  General 
Election  of  1812,  much  to  the  indignation  of 
Mr.   Calvert,   who   had  represented   the   borough 


Reynolds 
MARY  AMELIA,  WIFE  OF  JAMES,  FIRST  MARQUESS  OF  SALISBIKY 


THE   SALISBURY   LINE  241 

for  many  years.  "  I  feel  very  anxious,"  wrote 
Mrs.  Calvert/  "  and  we  all  abominate  that 
miserable  little  animal,  Lord  Cranborne,  for  giving 
all  this  trouble  and  expense."  However,  he  came 
out  at  the  bottom  of  the  poll,  and  took  refuge 
at  Weymouth,  which  he  represented  from  1813 
to  18 17.  He  then  succeeded  in  winning  Hertford, 
and  sat  for  that  borough  as  a  supporter  of 
Lord  Liverpool  until  the  death  of  his  father  in 
1823. 

In  182 1  Lord  Cranborne  married  Frances  Mary, 
daughter  and  heir  of  Bamber  Gascoyne,  of 
Childwell  Hall,  near  Liverpool,  and  assumed, 
by  Royal  licence,  the  name  of  Gascoyne,  calling 
himself  Gascoyne-Cecil.  For  ten  years  (18 18 — 
1827)  he  acted  as  Commissioner  for  Indian  affairs, 
and  in  1826  he  was  admitted  to  the  Privy  Council. 
For  many  years  after  his  accession  to  the  title 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  management  of  his 
estates  and  to  local  affairs.  With  greater  wisdom 
than  was  shown  by  his  kinsman  of  Exeter,  when 
he  saw  that  the  railway  was  coming,  in  1850,  he 
contrived  that  it  should  pass  his  very  gates,  and 
at  the  same  time  he  succeeded  in  having  the  Great 
North  Road  diverted  to  its  present  situation,  thus 
easing  the  traffic,  much  to  the  benefit  of  Hatfield.^ 
He  was  a  keen  agriculturist,  and  an  active 
magistrate,  and  succeeded  his  father  as  Colonel  of 
the  Herts  Militia,  and  High  Steward  of  Hertford. 

^  September  27th,  1812.    An  Irish  Beauty  of  the  Regency ,  edited  hy 
Mrs.  Warrene  Blake. 

*  Antrobus,  Hatfield,  p.  100. 

C.  R 


242  THE   CECILS 

Later  in  life  he  was  Lieut. -Colon el  of  the  South 
Herts  Yeomanry. 

At  the  Coronation  of  William  IV.,  in  1831, 
Lord  Salisbury  was  one  of  the  trainbearers,  and 
he  afterwards  told  an  amusing  story  in  connection 
with  the  ceremony.  The  great  weight  of  the 
robes  made  each  of  the  trainbearers  perspire 
profusely,  and  someone  who  had  been  near  the 
King  in  the  Abbey  remarked,  in  the  course  of 
conversation  on  the  subject,  that  his  Majesty 
appeared  to  suffer  equally.  "  Ah,"  said  Lord 
Salisbury,  "  the  King  had  an  hour's  rest  and 
freedom  from  his  robes  ;  for  after  the  Coronation 
he  retired  for  a  time  before  he  left  the  Abbey, 

and  Lord ,   going   into    the  room  which  had 

been  fitted  up  as  a  dressing  room,  found  the 
King  walking  up  and  down  in  a  state  of  nudity, 
but  with  the  crown  on  his  head."  ^ 

After  the  tragic  death  of  his  mother,  Lord 
Salisbury  not  only  rebuilt  the  burnt  west  wing  of 
Hatfield,  but  also  effected  great  alterations  at 
Salisbury  House.  To  commemorate  the  latter, 
he  gave  a  most  brilliant  party,  at  which  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  Peel,  and  others  were  present. 
"  Such  a  revolution  !  "  says  Disraeli,  who  made 
his  first  acquaintance  with  Lady  Salisbury  on 
this  occasion.^  "  There  is  not  a  vestige  of  ancient 
interior  ;  even  the  staircase  is  entirely  new  and 
newly  placed  ;  "  and  Lord  Ellesmere,  who  was  also 
among   the   guests,    states   that   the   walls   were 

1  Diary  of  Richard  Redgrave ,  January  i8th,  1868. 

2  Letters  to  his  Family,  February,  183S. 


THE   SALISBURY    LINE  243 

still  damp,  and  records  his  belief  that  Lady 
Salisbury  "  caught  the  illness  off  them  of  which 
she  died."  ^ 

Whether  this  is  true  or  not,  Lady  Salisbury 
died  eighteen  months  later  (October,  1839).  She 
was  a  woman  of  great  charm  and  more  than 
ordinary  ability,  and  left  behind  her  a  large 
circle  of  friends  among  the  most  distinguished 
people  of  the  day.  Of  them  the  chief  was  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  v/ho  placed  the  utmost 
confidence  in  her,  and  had  looked  to  her  for  many 
years  for  help  and  advice  in  all  his  difficulties.^ 
After  her  death  he  cultivated  a  great  affec- 
tion for  her  daughter.  Lady  Blanche,  to  whose 
eldest  son,  Mr.  Arthur  Balfour,  he  acted  as 
godfather.^ 

After  his  wife's  death,  the  Marquess  brought  up 
his  daughters  with  stern  discipline.  "  It  is  told  of 
him  that  he  would  return  from  the  House  of 
Lords  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  and  at  his 
summons,  '  Get  up,  girls  ;  we're  going  to  Hat- 
field,' his  daughters  had  to  be  out  of  bed  and 
ready  for  the  journey  with  the  least  possible 
delay."  Both  as  regards  their  education  and 
their  physical  development  they  were  brought 
up  like  boys,  and  they  became  skilled  and  fearless 
horsewomen.     Indeed,  Lady  Mildred  was,  in  later 

1  Personal  Reminiscences  of  the  Duke  cf  U'ellinglon,  pp.  95,  96. 

2  rJany  extracts  from  her  Journals  and  Correspondence  (preserved 
at  Hatfield)  are  given  in  Sir  Herbert  Maxwell's  Life  of  Wellington.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  the)-  may  one  day  be  published  in  full. 

3  See  Lady  Blanche  Balfour  :  A  Reminiscence,  by  the  Rev.  James 
Robertson.     She  married  James  Maitland  Balfour  of  WhittJngehame. 

R  2 


244  THE   CECILS 

years,  declared  by  Rarey,  the  American  horse- 
tamer,  to  be  the  best  lady  whip  in  England.^ 

In  1847  Lord  Salisbury  married  Lady  Mary 
Catherine,  second  daughter  of  Earl  de  la  Warr, 
he  being  then  fifty-six  and  she  twenty-three. 
Disraeli,  who  was  present  at  a  Ball  at  Hatfield, 
"  a  splendid  place  in  the  highest  state  of 
renovation,"  four  years  later,  speaks  of  Lady 
Salisbury  as  "an  admirable  hostess  and  a  very 
pleasing  woman  ;  great  simplicity,  quite  a  Sack- 
ville,  with  four  most  beautiful  young  children — 
a  boy  just  like  a  young  Cantelupe."  ^ 

Another  visitor,  Richard  Redgrave,  gives  a 
pleasant  picture  of  these  children,  and  of  family 
life  at  Hatfield  a  few  years  later.  Among  the 
guests  was  Lord  Chelmsford,  who  had  just  been 
made  Lord  Chancellor. 

"  There  is  a  grand  baronial  style  of  living  kept  up  at 
Hatfield.  Prayers  are  said  in  the  chapel  every  morning 
by  the  Chaplain.  Dinner  takes  place  in  the  old  Eliza- 
bethan hall.  The  band  of  the  militia,  of  which  the 
Marquis  is  Colonel,  plays  during  the  meal  in  an  outer 
apartment.  Each  lady,  as  she  passes  into  the  dining 
hall,  is  presented  with  a  handsome  bouquet,  in  a  neat 
Httle  wicker  holder.  At  breakfast,  one  morning,  the 
youngest  child,  three  years  old,  came  in  to  see  the 
Marchioness.  She  said  to  the  baby,  '  This  is  the  Lord 
Chancellor  ;  won't  you  speak  to  him  ?  won't  you  say 
"How  do  you  do.  Lord  Chancellor  "  ?  '  '  No,'  answered  the 
child, '  I  shall  call  him  "  Chance."  '   '  Very  good,'  said  Lord 

1  Lady  Blanche  Balfour :    A  Reminiscence.     Lady  Mildred  married. 
Alexander  Beresford-Hope,  M.P.  for  Cambridge  University. 
^  Disraeli's  Correspondence,  December  loth,  1S51. 


THE  SALISBURY  LINE  245 

Chelmsford ;     '  a    very    good   name — it    was    indeed    a 
chance.' 

"  I  thought  it  a  very  nice  aUiision  to  his  long  expecta- 
tion and  almost  unhoped  for  attainment  of  that  honour. 
I  was  much  pleased  on  the  second  evening  with  an  elder 
boy  of  ten.  He  was  not  in  the  room  when  the  other  and 
younger  children  bade  their  mother  good-night  ;  but  as 
the  company  were  about  to  proceed  to  the  dining  room, 
as  we  crossed  the  hall  to  enter  it,  the  boy  rushed  from  a 
side  door,  knelt,  took  up  the  skirt  of  her  ladyship's  robe, 
pressed  it  to  his  lips,  and  passed  rapidly  upstairs."  ^ 

Lord  Salisbury  was  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant 
of  Middlesex  in  1842,  and  in  the  same  year  he 
received  the  Garter.  He  joined  Lord  Derby's 
first  ministry  in  1852  as  Lord  Privy  Seal,  and 
his  second  ministry  in  1858 — 9  as  Lord  President 
of  the  Council,  but  on  each  occasion  the  Govern- 
ment was  so  short-lived  that  his  experience  of 
Cabinet  rank  was  but  slight.  He  died  in  1868, 
leaving  two  sons  and  two  daughters  by  his  first 
wife,  and  three  sons  and  two  daughters  by  his 
second.  With  the  latter  we  are  not  concerned 
here.  The  two  daughters  of  the  first  marriage. 
Lady  Mildred  Beresford-Hope,  and  Lady  Blanche 
Balfour,  have  already  been  mentioned.  The  sons 
were  Lord  Robert,  the  third  Marquess,  and  Lieut. - 
Colonel  Lord  Eustace  Cecil,  formerly  Surveyor- 
General  of  the  Ordnance  (1874 — 1880),  now 
Director  of  the  Great  Eastern  Railway.  An 
elder  son,  James,  Lord  Cranborne,  lost  his  sight 
in   early  life  and  died  unmarried  in   1865.     He 

1  Diary  of  Richard  Redgrave,  August  6th,  1858. 


246  THE  CECILS 

wrote  a  volume  of  Biographies  of  Great  Monarchs 
for  young  people,  and  published  two  series  of 
historical  essays. 

Two  years  after  her  husband's  death,  Lady 
Sahsbury  married  the  Earl  of  Derby,  She  died  in 
1900,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six. 


CHAPTER   XII 

the  third  marquess  of  salisbury 

Robert  Arthur  Talbot  Gascoyne  -  Cecil, 
second  son  of  the  second  Marquess  of  Salisbury  and 
his  first  wife,  was  born  at  Hatfield  on  February  3rd, 
1830.  He  was  educated  at  Eton  and  Christ 
Church,  Oxford,  and  took  his  B.A.  degree  in 
1850,  obtaining  an  "  Honorary  Fourth  "  in  mathe- 
matics. After  a  visit  to  Australia,  which  kept 
him  out  of  England  for  two  years,  he  was 
elected  a  Fellow  of  All  Souls'  in  1853,  and  the 
same  year  he  was  returned  for  Parliament  as 
member  for  Stamford  in  the  Conservative  interest. 
Having  acted  as  Secretary  and  Treasurer  of  the 
Oxford  Union,  he  had  already  had  some  practice 
in  public  speaking,  and  on  April  7th,  1854,  ^^^ 
made  his  maiden  speech  on  the  second  reading 
of  the  Oxford  University  Bill,  receiving  a  well- 
deserved  compliment  from  Gladstone,  who  spoke 
of  the  young  member  whose  "  first  efforts,  rich 
with  future  promise,  indicate  that  there  still 
issue  forth  from  the  maternal  bosom  of  the 
University  men  who,  in  the  first  days  of  their 
career,  give  earnest  of  what  they  may  afterwards 
accomplish  for  their  country."  He  made  his 
mark  by  further  speeches  on  educational  matters 
and  on  foreign  politics,  and  in  July,  1855,  when 


248  THE  CECILS 

Roebuck  moved  his  famous  vote  of  censure, 
based  on  the  report  of  the  Sebastopol  Committee, 
Lord  Robert  Cecil  was  chosen  to  second  the 
"  previous  question,"  moved  by  General  Peel. 
The  Aberdeen  Ministry,  which  was  responsible 
for  the  mismanagement  of  the  war,  had  been 
turned  out  of  office  six  months  before,  and  it 
was  thought  by  a  large  section  of  the  Opposition 
to  be  inopportune  to  press  the  vote  of  censure, 
since  they  were  not  prepared  to  take  the  respon- 
sibility of  taking  Palmerston's  place  and  carrying 
on  the  war.  The  attitude  adopted  by  Cecil  was 
patriotic  in  the  highest  degree,  and  his  action  in 
opposing  his  own  leaders  displayed  his  charac- 
teristic independence  of  thought.  General  Peel's 
amendment  was  carried  by  a  large  majority,  and 
thus  the  Aberdeen  ministry,  of  whom  Gladstone 
was  one,  escaped  the  "  severe  reprehension  "  of 
the  House  of  Commons. 

At  the  General  Election  in  1857,  Cecil  was 
again  returned  for  Stamford  unopposed,  and  in 
the  first  session  of  the  new  Parliament  he  made 
his  first  attempt  at  constructive  legislation  by 
bringing  in  a  measure  to  institute  a  system  of 
voting  at  elections  by  means  of  voting  papers 
distributed  among  the  electors.  This  sensible 
proposal  (adopted  in  1861  for  University  voting) 
was  withdrawn  owing  to  Liberal  opposition  after 
a  short  debate. 

In  the  same  year  he  married  Georgina  Caroline, 
daughter  of  Sir  E.  H.  Alderson,  Baron  of  the 
Exchequer,   and   afterwards   a  celebrated  judge. 


THIRD  MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY    249 

The  marriage  was  not  approved  of  by  Lord 
Salisbury,  who,  indeed,  seems  to  have  cared 
httle  about  his  first  family,  concentrating  all  his 
affection  on  the  children  of  his  second  wife. 
But  it  is  not  true  that  he  marked  his  displeasure 
by  cutting  off  supplies.  Persistent  stories  to 
this  effect  were  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that 
for  many  years  Lord  Robert  Cecil  increased  his 
income  by  journalism,  in  which  he  was  assisted 
by  his  clever  wife.  From  1857  to  1865  he  con- 
tributed to  the  Saturday  Review,  founded  by  his 
brother-in-law,  Beresford-Hope,  but  his  most 
important  essays  were  written  for  the  Qtmrterly 
Review,  of  which,  for  several  years,  from  April, 
i860,  scarcely  a  number  appeared  without  an 
article  from  his  pen.  These  essays  deal  mainly 
with  contemporary  politics,  both  home  and  foreign, 
but  include  a  few  biographical  articles,  such  as 
those  on  Castlereagh  and  Pitt,  and  one  of  a 
scientific  nature,  on  photography.  "  Written  with 
all  the  freedom  which  the  traditional  anonymity 
of  the  Quarterly  Review  guarantees,"  says  the 
writer,  who  first  made  known  to  the  public  the 
extent  of  Lord  Salisbury's  contributions  to  that 
periodical,^  "  these  essays  more  truly  portray 
the  man  than  anything  he  said  or  did  within  the 
cramping  limitations  of  parliamentary  procedure, 
or  under  the  restraining  influence  of  party  and 
ministerial    responsibility.     We    have    here    not 

1  Quarterly  Review,  January,  1904.  A  full  list  of  these  articles, 
thirty-three  in  all,  is  given  in  the  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  2nd  Supp.  I.  343. 
Several  have  been  reprinted,  in  two  volumes  {Essays  :  Biographical,  and 
Essays:  Foreign  Politics,  Murray,  1905). 


250  THE   CECILS 

only  elaborate  discussions  of  the  political  questions 
of  the  day,  which  have  an  abiding  historical 
value,  but  also  weighty  statements  of  political 
theory,  and  many  an  instructive  glimpse  of 
ethical  motive  and  of  the  origin,  growth,  and 
modification  of  opinion.  In  finish  of  style,  in 
controversial  resource  and  subtlety,  in  the  wide 
range  of  their  scholarship  and  worldly  wisdom, 
in  the  loftiness  of  their  ideals  and  the  strange 
combination  of  polemical  bitterness  with  the 
most  generous  sympathies,  these  articles  present 
us  with  an  absolutely  new  picture  of  Lord 
Salisbury." 

In  1858  appeared  a  volume  of  "  Oxford  Essays," 
which  contained  a  paper  by  Lord  Robert  Cecil  on 
"  The  Theories  of  Parliamentary  Reform,"  a 
subject  upon  which  his  opinions  are  of  special 
interest  in  view  of  his  action  nine  years  later. 
The  upshot  of  his  argument  is  that  there  is  no 
objection  to  the  extension  of  the  franchise,  so 
long  as  mere  numbers  are  not  allowed  to  pre- 
dominate over  every  other  power  in  the  State. 
Our  whole  constitution  is  "  anomalous  and 
irregular,"  but  the  anomalies  and  irregularities, 
the  growth  of  ages,  tend  to  counteract  one 
another ;  and  "  to  remove  one  evil  without 
removing  that  which  is  its  counterpoise,  to 
withdraw  one  poison  from  the  prescription  with- 
out withdrawing  the  other  which  is  its  antidote, 
is  the  maddest  course  of  all.  Better  far  to  recon- 
struct the  whole  ;  better  still  to  let  that  which 
has  worked  well,  work  on."     And  he  concludes 


THIRD  MARQUESS  OF  SALISBURY    251 

with  a  sentence  which  sums  up  his  opinion  on 
the  subject  :  "  Whichever  course  is  taken,  the 
condition  in  the  representative  system  which  it 
is  our  duty  to  maintain,  even  at  the  cost  of  any 
restriction  or  any  anomaly,  is  that  the  intellectual 
status  of  the  legislature  shall  not  be  lowered,  and 
that  sufficient  weight,  direct  or  indirect,  shall 
be  given  to  property  to  secure  it  from  the 
possibility  of  harm." 

His  first  article  in  the  Quarterly  Review  (April, 
i860)  dealt  with  the  same  subject,  and  was  a 
severe  and  trenchant  criticism  of  Lord  John 
Russell's  Reform  Bill.  The  article  caused  a 
considerable  stir  in  political  circles,  and  Lord 
John  Russell  felt  it  necessary  to  defend  himself 
in  a  speech  in  the  House.  The  Bill  was  soon 
afterwards  dropped. 

During  the  uneventful  years  of  Palmerston's 
last  administration  (1859— 1865),  Lord  Robert 
Cecil  continued  to  increase  his  reputation  as  a 
ready  debater  and  a  brilliant  speaker.  "  Beware 
of  that  young  man,"  said  Palmerston  to  one  of 
his  colleagues  ;  "  he  is  master  of  one  great  secret 
of  success  in  debate.  Instead  of  defending  him- 
self, he  attacks  you."  He  was  strongly  interested 
in  all  educational  questions  and  in  all  matters 
affecting  the  well-being  of  the  poor,  and  his 
staunch  churchmanship  won  him  the  confidence 
of  the  High  Anglican  party,  whose  recognised 
spokesman  in  Parliament  he  became.  These  years 
are  memorable  for  his  contests  with  Gladstone, 
which  began  over  the  Bill  for  the  Repeal  of  the 


252  The  cecils 

Paper  Duties.  The  general  opposition  to  this 
measure  was  based  on  the  contention  that  the 
state  of  the  national  finance  did  not  permit  of  so 
large  a  loss  of  revenue,  and,  moreover,  it  was 
regarded  as  a  sop  offered  to  the  extreme  Radicals 
to  secure  their  support  for  other  proposals  of  the 
Government.  Lord  Robert  Cecil  was  courageous 
enough  to  oppose  it  on  its  own  merits.  "  Can  it 
be  maintained,"  he  said,  "  that  a  person  of  any 
education  can  learn  anything  worth  knowing 
from  a  penny  paper  ?  It  may  be  said  that 
people  may  learn  what  has  been  said  in  Parlia- 
ment. Well,  will  that  contribute  to  their 
education  ?  "  Such  unbending  Conservatism  reads 
strangely  at  the  present  day  ;  yet  had  the  speaker 
lived  to  witness  the  development  of  the  half- 
penny press  in  this  country,  it  is  probable  that 
he  would  have  congratulated  himself  on  the 
wisdom  of  his  attitude. 

Palmerston  himself  was  opposed  to  the  Bill, 
and  even  wrote  to  the  Queen  to  the  effect  that  if 
the  House  of  Lords  threw  it  out,  they  would 
"  perform  a  good  public  service."  Gladstone, 
however,  when  the  Lords  did  their  duty,  became 
all  the  more  determined  to  have  his  way,  and  in 
the  following  year  he  again  proposed  the  repeal 
of  the  Paper  Duties.  Hitherto  it  had  been  the 
invariable  custom  to  make  the  different  taxes 
which  composed  the  Budget  into  separate  Bills, 
each  of  which  was  passed  through  the  Commons 
and  sent  up  to  the  Lords.  The  Upper  House 
could  thus  reject — though  they  could  not  amend 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     253 

— any  one  Bill  without  upsetting  the  whole  of  the 
financial  arrangement  of  the  year.  Gladstone 
now  embodied  all  his  financial  proposals,  including 
the  repeal  of  the  Paper  Duties,  in  one  Bill,  thus 
compelling  the  Lords  either  to  accept  it  as  it 
stood,  or  to  go  to  the  extreme  length  of  rejecting 
the  whole.  Whatever  may  be  said  as  to  the 
merits  of  the  Bill,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  this 
action  was  a  piece  of  trickery  deserving  the 
strongest  censure  of  all  who  valued  straight- 
forwardness in  public  life.  Throughout  the 
debates  Lord  Robert  Cecil  distinguished  himself 
by  the  unsparing  vigour  of  his  attacks,  both  on 
the  principle  of  the  measure,  and  on  the  methods 
by  which  it  was  being  pushed  through  the  House. 

On  one  occasion  he  denounced  the  action  of 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  as  "  more  worthy 
of  an  attorney  than  a  statesman,"  and  on  being 
invited  to  "  reconsider  his  vocabulary,"  he 
solemnly  rose  to  apologise  for  having  done  a 
great  injustice^to  the  attorneys. 

It  was  in  the  course  of  one  of  these  debates, 
when  complaints  had  been  made  from  the  Govern- 
ment benches  of  the  violence  of  Lord  Robert 
Cecil's  remarks,  that  Disraeli  took  the  opportunity 
to  say  that  he  had  "  listened  with  satisfaction 
to  the  noble  Lord,  as  it  appeared  to  him  that  he 
had  never  heard  more  constitutional  opinions 
expressed  in  more  effective  language." 

During  these  years  he  perfected  himself  as  a 
parliamentary  debater.  He  lost  no  opportunity 
of  attacking  Gladstone's  methods  and  principles. 


254  THE   CECILS 

so  that  in  reading  these  debates  one  seems  to  be 
Hstening  to  a  later  Cecil  pointing  out  the  iniquities 
of  a  later  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  But 
Gladstone,  in  spite  of  his  doctrines,  inspired 
respect  and  admiration  in  his  opponent,  of  whose 
character  and  abilities,  as  will  be  seen  later,  he 
conceived  a  high  opinion. 

Lord  Robert  Cecil  was  now,  as  ever,  a  close 
student  of  foreign  politics,  upon  which  he  spoke 
with  increasing  authority.  His  speeches  on  the 
Brazilian  difficulty  in  1863,  when  he  accused 
Earl  Russell  of  adopting  "  a  sort  of  tariff  of 
insolence  in  his  correspondence  with  foreign 
powers,"  and  on  the  Government's  policy  toward 
Denmark  in  1864,  were  marked  by  wide 
intellectual  grasp  and  considerable  oratorical 
power. 

On  the  death  of  his  elder  brother  (June  14th, 
1865),  Lord  Robert  succeeded  to  his  title  as 
Viscount  Cranborne,  and  became  heir  to  the 
Marquessate. 

The  death  of  Palmerston,  in  October,  finally 
closed  the  period  of  compromise  between  the 
aristocratic  and  democratic  tendencies  in  British 
politics,  and  the  new  era  was  ushered  in  with 
Gladstone  as  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
pledged  to  Reform.  Of  the  ill-fated  Reform 
Bill  of  1866,  Lord  Cranborne  v/as  one  of  the  most 
vigorous  opponents. 

Liberal  opposition  to  the  Bill  was  so  strong 
that  it  had  little  chance  of  passing,  but  there  is 
no   donbt   that    Lord   Cranborne's   eloquent   and 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     255 

incisive  speeches,  and  his  article  in  the  Quarterly 
Review  (March,  1866),  which  provoked  an  out- 
burst of  irritation  from  Gladstone,  played  their 
part  in  procuring  the  defeat  of  the  Government. 
He  was  now  marked  for  promotion,  and  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  he  had  held  no  office 
previously,  no  surprise  was  felt  when  Lord 
Derby  invited  him  to  join  his  Cabinet  as  Secretary 
of  State  for  India.  At  the  same  time  he  was 
sworn  of  the  Privy  Council  (July  12th,  1866). 
Within  a  week  of  this  date,  he  was  called  upon 
to  introduce  the  Indian  Budget,  and  astonished 
the  House  by  his  mastery  of  the  intricate  details 
of  Indian  finance.  But  his  first  tenure  of  office 
was  of  short  duration.  The  question  of  Reform 
had  now  become  urgent  owing  to  the  Hyde  Park 
riots  and  the  action  of  the  Reform  League  ;  and 
in  February,  1867,  Disraeli  made  an  attempt  to 
settle  it  by  consent  of  the  whole  Llouse.  This 
proving  unsuccessful,  as  might  have  been  expected 
under  the  circumstances,  a  Bill  was  introduced, 
and  three  members  of  the  Cabinet,  Lord  Cranborne, 
General  Peel  and  Lord  Carnarvon,  resigned. 
The  history  of  the  events  which  led  to  this 
defection  has  often  been  told.  It  appears  that 
two  alternative  measures,  one  of  which  granted 
household  suffrage  under  certain  conditions,  while 
the  other  was  based  on  a  £6  franchise,  were 
considered  by  the  Cabinet,  and  on  Saturday, 
February  23rd,  the  former  was  agreed  upon. 
On  the  Monday  morning,  the  three  doubtful 
ministers,  having  carefully  examined  the  statistics 


256  THE   CECILS 

and  safeguards  on  the  strength  of  which  they 
had  agreed  to  the  Bill,  informed  Lord  Derby  that 
they  found  them  insufficient,  and  threatened  to 
resign.  The  Cabinet  was  hurriedly  summoned 
half  an  hour  before  Derby  was  to  address  a 
meeting  of  the  party,  and  in  ten  minutes  the 
second  measure  was  adopted  instead  of  the 
first.  The  details  of  this  proposal  were  explained 
by  Lord  Derby  at  the  meeting  in  the  afternoon, 
and  by  Disraeli  in  the  House  of  Commons  in 
the  evening,  but  met  with  so  cold  a  reception 
from  their  friends  and  such  indignation  from 
their  opponents,  that  the  Bill  was  withdrawn  on 
the  following  day.  Thereupon  the  three  ministers 
resigned,  and  Disraeli  brought  in  his  original 
Bill. 

Lord  Cranborne  explained  his  action  in  a 
speech  in  the  House,  and  it  is  interesting  to  note 
the  impression  created  at  the  time  upon  one  who 
afterwards  became  a  devoted  friend  and  colleague 
of  Lord  Salisbury  :  "  Lord  Cranborne's  speech," 
writes  Robert  Lytton,^  "  though  uttered  with 
much  dignity  and  apparent  sincerity  of  conviction, 
was  certainly  not  generous,  and  certainly  was 
suicidal  to  his  reputation  as  a  statesman,  for  his 
views  are  impossible."  And  he  adds  a  doubt 
whether  the  speaker,  though  obviously  very 
clever,  would  ever  be  a  great  man  :  "he  wants 
heart,  and  seems  never  to  rise  above  the  level  of 
a  Saturday  Reviewer." 

The  progress  of  the  Bill  through  the  House  of 

1  Personal  and  Literary  Letters  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Lyiion,  I.  218, 


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w  2 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY    257 

Commons  justified  all  Lord  Cranborne's  fears. 
One  by  one  all  the  "  checks  and  safeguards  " 
disappeared,  until,  in  its  final  form,  he  described 
the  measure  as  "  the  result  of  the  adoption  of 
the  principles  of  Bright  at  the  dictation  of 
Gladstone,"  and  denounced  it  as  "a  political 
betrayal  which  has  no  parallel  in  our  annals, 
which  strikes  at  the  root  of  all  that  mutual 
confidence  which  is  the  very  soul  of  our  party 
government,  and  on  which  only  the  strength  and 
freedom  of  our  representative  institutions  can  be 
sustained."  In  his  famous  article,  entitled,  "  The 
Conservative  Surrender,"  which  appeared  in  the 
Quarterly  Review  in  October,  he  enlarged  on  this 
theme,  combining  a  merciless  exposure  of  the 
tactics  of  his  leaders  with  a  lofty  appeal  for 
adherence  to  principle  in  public  life. 

He  was,  in  fact,  almost  in  despair  at  this  time, 
feeling,  as  he  said,  that  "  the  monarchical  principle 
was  dead,  the  aristocratical  principle  was  doomed, 
and  the  democratical  principle  triumphant."  But 
worse  than  his  fears  for  the  future  were  his  wrath 
and  scorn  for  his  leaders  who  had  betrayed  the 
party  and  the  nation,  by  passing,  when  in  office, 
a  measure  practically  identical  with  the  one  they 
had  succeeded  in  throwing  out  the  year  before. 
"  My  opinions  belong  to  the  past,"  he  wrote  to 
Lord  Coleridge  in  1868,^  "  and  it  is  better  that 
new  principles  in  politics  should  be  worked  by 
those  who  sympathise  with  them  heartily." 

This  depression,  however,   soon  passed  away, 

'  Life  of  Lord  Colcrid£e,  II.  156. 

c.  s 


258  THE   CECILS 

and  he  set  himself  to  put  into  practice  the  principle 
he  had  himself  laid  down.  "It  is  the  duty  of 
every  Englishman,  and  of  every  English  party," 
he  had  written,  "  to  accept  a  political  defeat 
cordially,  and  to  lend  their  best  endeavours  to 
secure  the  success  or  to  neutralise  the  evil  of  the 
principles  to  which  they  have  been  forced  to 
submit."  Now,  as  throughout  his  career,  he  was 
able  before  long  to  accept  the  accomplished  fact  ; 
and  his  fears  of  the  results  of  Reform  not  being 
realised,  he  succeeded,  while  zealously  upholding 
the  old  Tory  doctrines  of  his  great  exemplars, 
Pitt  and  Castlereagh,  in  giving  them  a  wider 
interpretation  and  in  adapting  them  to  the 
changed  conditions  of  modern  politics. 

So  far  from  being  a  hide-bound  Tory,  as  he  is 
sometimes  painted,  he  understood,  far  better 
than  do  the  doctrinaire  Radicals  of  his  or  of  our 
time,  that  change  is  inevitable  in  political 
doctrine.  "  The  axioms  of  the  last  age,"  he 
wrote  in  1861,  "  are  the  fallacies  of  the  present  ; 
the  principles  which  save  one  generation  may  be 
the  ruin  of  the  next.  There  is  nothing  abiding 
in  political  science  but  the  necessity  of  truth, 
purity  and  justice."  Like  Pitt,  he  was  "  far  too 
practical  a  politician  to  be  given  to  abstract 
theories,  universal  doctrines,  watchwords  or  shib- 
boleths of  any  kind.  He  knew  of  no  political 
gospel  that  was  to  be  preached  in  season  and  out 
of  season."  ^     And  it  is  this  "  untheoretic  mind  " 

J  Essay     on     Stanhope's    Life     of     Pitt.      Reprinted     in     Essays: 
Biographical. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     259 

which  puzzled  Gladstone,  as  will  be  seen  later  on, 
and  has  puzzled  other  students  of  Lord  Salisbury. 

Lord  Cranborne's  last  speech  in  the  House  of 
Commons  was  delivered  in  March,  1868,  in  the 
debate  on  Gladstone's  resolution  with  regard  to 
the  Irish  Church,  which  gave  him  an  opportunity 
of  defending  in  powerful  and  eloquent  language 
the  principle  of  an  established  Church.  On 
April  12th,  his  father  died  and  he  succeeded  to 
the  title,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of 
Lords. 

He  soon  gained  the  ear  of  this  assembly,  and 
took  a  leading  part  in  the  debates.  His  most 
important  intervention  in  the  session  of  1868  was 
on  the  second  reading  of  the  Irish  Church 
Suspensory  Bill,  which  had  passed  through  the 
Lower  House  by  large  majorities.  Besides  pul- 
verising the  measure  itself,  and  showing  the 
futility  of  attempting  to  conciliate  the  Fenians 
by  destroying  the  Church,  he  laid  down  in 
admirable  terms  the  principle  which  should 
guide  the  House  of  Lords  when  it  found  itself 
in  opposition  to  the  Commons.  This  principle 
he  consistently  upheld,  and  his  words  are  worth 
quoting  at  the  present  time,  when  there  are  still 
people  who  think  that  the  House  of  Commons 
invariably  represents  the  judgment  of  the  nation, 
and  that  the  duty  of  the  Lords  is  merely  to 
register  its  decrees  : — 

"  When  the  opinion  of  your  countrymen  has  declared 
itself,"  he  said,  "  and  you  see  that  their  convictions — their 
firm,  deliberate,  sustained  convictions — are  in  favour  of 

S   2 


26o  THE   CECILS 

any  course,  I  do  not  for  a  moment  deny  that  it  is  your  duty 
to  yield.  It  may  not  be  a  pleasant  process  ;  it  may  even 
make  some  of  you  wish  that  some  other  arrangement  were 
existing  ;  but  it  is  quite  clear  that  whereas  a  member  of  a 
Government,  when  asked  to  do  that  which  is  contrary  to 
his  convictions,  may  resign,  and  a  member  of  the  Commons 
when  asked  to  support  any  measure  contrary  to  his  con- 
victions, may  abandon  his  seat,  no  such  course  as  this  is 
open  to  your  Lordships  ;  and  therefore  on  these  rare  and 
great  occasions  on  which  the  national  mind  has  fully 
declared  itself,  I  do  not  doubt  your  Lordships  would  yield 
to  the  opinion  of  the  country  ;  otherwise  the  machinery 
of  government  could  not  be  carried  on.  But  there  is  an 
enormous  step  between  that  and  being  the  mere  echo  of 
the  House  of  Commons." 

That  the  Lords  did  right  in  rejecting  the 
Suspensory  Bill  cannot  be  questioned,  and  that 
Lord  Salisbury  was  willing  to  act  up  to  the 
principles  he  had  so  ably  laid  down,  was  proved 
in  the  following  year.  At  the  election  of  1868, 
the  Liberals  were  returned  by  a  large  majority, 
and  Gladstone  immediately  set  about  his  mission 
of  "  pacifying  Ireland,"  by  introducing  the  Bill 
for  DisestabHshing  and  Disendowing  the  Irish 
Church.  When  this  measure  reached  the  Upper 
House,  Lord  Salisbury,  arguing  that  the  general 
election  had  been  fought  on  this  question,  used 
all  his  influence  to  secure  its  passage  ;  and,  acting 
in  co-operation  with  Archbishop  Tait,  was  able  to 
compose  the  difference  which  arose  between  the 
Houses  on  the  subject  of  the  Lords'  amendments, 
and  thus  to  avert  a  serious  constitutional  crisis. 
At  the  same  time,  the  result  of  his  moderating 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     261 

influence  was  to  obtain  better  terms  for  the  dis- 
established Church. 

Always  willing  to  promote  rational  reforms, 
Lord  Salisbury  was  connected  this  session  with 
two  measures,  one  of  which  is  still  urgently  wanted, 
while  the  other  appears  to  many  people  to  be 
eminently  reasonable.  The  first  was  the  Parlia- 
mentary Proceedings  Bill,  which  he  introduced 
himself.  The  object  of  this  measure  was  to  do 
away  with  the  hard  and  fast  rule  that  all  Bills 
must  be  passed  through  both  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment in  the  same  session,  and  to  provide  that, 
subject  to  the  assent  of  the  Crown  and  of  the 
two  Houses,  any  Bill  which  had  passed  through 
one  House  might  be  considered  by  the  other 
House  in  the  following  session.  This  Bill  was 
read  a  second  time  in  the  Lords,  and  referred  to 
a  joint  committee  of  the  two  Houses,  but  the 
Government  were  not  interested  in  the  subject 
and  it  was  allowed  to  drop. 

The  other  measure,  to  which  Lord  Salisbury 
gave  strong  support,  was  Lord  Russell's  Bill  for 
the  Creation  of  Life  Peerages.  He  believed  that 
such  a  reform  would  strengthen  the  House  of 
Lords  in  the  opinion  of  the  public,  who,  then  as 
now,  are  easily  caught  by  the  absurd  cry  that 
the  Peers  are  "  not  representative."  "  We  must 
try,"  he  said,  "  to  impress  on  the  country  the 
fact  that  because  we  are  not  an  elective  House, 
we  are  not  a  bit  the  less  a  representative  House  ; 
and  not  until  the  constitution  of  the  House  plainly 
reveals    the    fact,    shall    we    be    able    to    retain 


262  THE   CECILS 

permanently,  in  face  of  the  advances  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  ancient  privileges  and 
constitution  of  this  House."  The  Bill  was 
thrown  out  on  the  third  reading.  Twenty  years 
later  Lord  Salisbury  made  a  second  attempt  to 
introduce  this  reform,  but  with  no  greater  success. 
His  Life  Peerage  Bill  of  1888,  after  passing  its 
second  reading,  was  withdrawn,  and  has  never 
since  been  heard  of. 

At  this  time  (1868 — 1872),  Lord  Sahsbury  was 
chairman  of  the  Great  Eastern  Railway,  and  he 
was  associated  with  Lord  Cairns  as  arbitrator  in 
connection  with  the  affairs  of  the  London,  Chatham 
and  Dover  Railway  in  1871 — 72.  In  November, 
1869,  he  was  elected  by  a  unanimous  vote  to  the 
ofhce  of  Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Oxford, 
rendered  vacant  by  the  death  of  the  old  Lord 
Derby.  A  scholar  and  a  student  by  nature,  it 
was  a  post  for  which  he  was  in  many  ways  excep- 
tionally well  qualified  ;  but  though  he  held  it 
for  the  rest  of  his  life,  he  refrained  from  active 
participation  in  University  matters.  His  interest 
in  University  Reform  is  shown  by  his  appointment 
of  the  Universities  Commission  in  1877. 

The  remaining  years  of  the  Gladstone  Govern- 
ment may  be  passed  over  with  little  comment. 
While  applying  himself  to  the  amendment  and 
improvement  of  several  of  the  chief  measures 
introduced  by  the  Government,  such  as  the 
Irish  Land  Bill,  the  Education  Bill,  and  the 
University  Tests  Bill,  and  supporting  others,  such 
as  the  Peace  Preservation  Bill  of  1870  and  the 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     263 

Bank  Holidays  Bill  of  the  following  year,  Lord 
Salisbury  was  unsparing  in  his  attacks  on  Liberal 
abuses  of  power,  as  shown,  for  example,  in  the 
Abolition  of  Purchase  in  the  Army  by  Royal 
Warrant,  after  the  rejection  of  the  Bill  in  the 
House  of  Lords  ;  in  the  attempt  to  force  the 
Ballot  Bill  through  the  Upper  House  without 
allowing  opportunity  for  discussion  ;  and  in  the 
disgraceful  jobbery  in  the  matter  of  appointments, 
of  which  the  case  of  Sir  Robert  Collier  and  the 
"  Ewelme  Scandal  "  were  particularly  gross. 

The  election  of  1874  proved  that,  as  he  antici- 
pated, the  people  were  tired  of  "  heroic  legislation," 
and  were  determined  to  impose  a  truce  on  "  these 
perpetual  attacks  on  classes  and  institutions  and 
interests,  which  are  fatal  to  the  union,  the  peace, 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  country."  For  the 
first  time  for  thirty  years  the  Conservatives  were 
returned  to  power  with  a  commanding  majority, 
and  Gladstone  at  once  resigned. 

In  Disraeli's  new  Cabinet,  Lord  Salisbury 
again  occupied  the  position  of  Secretary  for 
India.  He  was  at  once  called  upon  to  deal 
with  a  critical  situation  created  by  the  famine 
in  Bengal,  and  by  upholding  the  action  of  the 
Viceroy,  Lord  Northbrook — his  political  opponent 
— against  that  of  Sir.  G.  Campbell,  the  Lieut. - 
Governor  of  Bengal,  he  showed  that  he  was  not 
only  capable  of  taking  large  views  of  a  serious 
question,  uninfluenced  by  personal  or  party  con- 
siderations, but  was  also  courageous  enough 
to  maintain  his  opinion  in  the  face  of  popular 


264  THE   CECILS 

clamour.  The  policy  adopted — of  importing  rice 
into  Bengal  without  interfering  with  the  export 
trade — was  completely  justified  by  its  success. 

The  PubHc  Worship  Regulation  Bill,  of  1874, 
gave  Lord  Salisbury  another  opportunity  to 
expound  his  views  on  the  Church  of  England  and 
the  relation  between  the  Church  and  the  State. 
With  much  eloquence  he  defended  his  position, 
that  the  existence  of  the  establishment  depends 
on  its  frank  and  loyal  tolerance  of  three 
schools  in  the  Church — the  "  Sacramental,"  the 
"  Emotional  "  and  the  "  Philosophical" — which 
arise,  "  not  from  any  difference  in  the  truth 
itself,  but  because  the  truth  must  necessarily 
assume  different  tints,  as  it  is  refracted  through 
the  different  media  of  different  minds."  "  The 
problem  you  have  to  solve,"  he  said,  "  is  how  to 
repress  personal  and  individual  eccentricities,  if 
you  will,  how  to  repress  all  exhibitions  of  wilful- 
ness, of  lawlessness,  of  caprice  :  but,  at  the  same 
time  that  you  do  that,  you  must  carefully  guard 
any  measures  which  you  introduce  from  injuring 
the  consciences  or  suppressing  the  rights  of  either 
of  the  three  schools  of  which  the  Church  consists. 
On  this  condition  alone  can  your  legislation  be 
safe."  In  this  attitude,  he  showed  himself  far 
more  moderate  and  statesmanlike  than  the 
majority  of  the  Lords,  who  passed  the  Bill  in 
sympathy  with  the  popular  cry  against  Ritualism. 

This  Bill,  which  was  officially  supported  by 
Disraeli,  was  again  the  occasion  of  a  difference  of 
opinion  between  the  Premier  and  the  Secretary 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     265 

for  India.  The  debates  further  led  to  an  incident 
which  has  become  historical.  In  urging  the 
Lords  to  stand  firm  in  rejecting  an  amendment 
inserted  by  the  Commons  in  deference  to  the  wishes 
of  the  extremists,  Lord  Salisbury  referred  to  the 
argument  that  the  Peers  ought  to  pass  the  clause 
because  of  the  majority  in  the  Commons,  and  of 
the  danger  to  the  Bill  if  the  clause  were  rejected  ; 
and  he  further  remarked  that  there  was  "  a 
good  deal  of  that  kind  of  bluster  when  any 
particular  course  has  been  taken  in  the  other 
House  of  Parliament,"  adding  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  Lords  to  take  the  course  which  they 
deemed  right.  The  clause  was  accordingly 
rejected,  and  the  Commons  accepted  the  alteration 
rather  than  lose  the  Bill.  But  Disraeli,  mis- 
understanding Lord  Salisbury's  words,  took  the 
opportunity  to  refer  to  "  my  noble  friend  "  as 
"  not  a  man  who  measures  his  phrases  ;  one  who 
is  a  great  master  of  gibes  and  flouts  and  jeers," 
but,  he  added,  "  I  do  not  suppose  there  is  anyone 
who  is  prejudiced  against  a  member  of  Parliament 
on  account  of  such  qualifications.  My  noble 
friend  knows  the  House  of  Commons  well,  and 
he  is  not  perhaps  superior  to  the  consideration 
that  by  making  a  speech  of  that  kind,  and  taunting 
respectable  men  like  ourselves  with  being  *  a 
blustering  majority,'  he  probably  might  stimulate 
the  amour  propre  of  some  individuals  to  take  the 
course  which  he  wants  and  to  defeat  the  Bill." 
Lord  Salisbury  took  the  first  opportunity  of 
protesting    against    this    interpretation    of    his 


266  THE   CECILS 

remarks,  which,  of  course,  referred  to  the  argu- 
ments of  a  previous  speaker  in  the  Lords,  and  not 
to  anything  said  in  the  other  House. 

Some  surprise  had  already  been  expressed  at 
his  acceptance  of  office  under  the  leader  with 
whom  he  had  quarrelled  so  violently  seven 
years  before,  and  this  episode  gave  rise  to  a 
great  deal  of  malevolent  gossip  about  the  relations 
between  the  two  men.  There  were  even  rumours 
of  the  impending  resignation  of  Lord  Salisbury, 
but  they  were  silenced  by  Disraeli's  speech  at 
the  Lord  Mayor's  banquet,  in  which  he  paid 
a  well-deserved  tribute  to  his  colleague  in  regard 
to  his  Indian  administration.  It  is,  in  fact,  very 
greatly  to  the  credit  of  both  that,  in  spite  of  their 
difference  of  temperament,  they  were  able  to  act 
in  harmony  for  the  remainder  of  Disraeli's  life. 
As  Dr.  Traill  pointed  out,  in  his  monograph  on 
Lord  Salisbury,  "  both  enjoyed  the  inestimable 
advantage  of  being  opposed  by  a  politician  whose 
influence  in  undesignedly  healing  feuds  among 
his  political  adversaries  has  so  often  earned  him 
the  benediction  pronounced  upon  the  peace- 
makers." Their  common  hostility  to  Gladstone 
no  doubt  helped  to  unite  them,  but  it  is  hardly 
enough  to  account  for  the  subsequent  cordiality 
between  the  two  colleagues,  which  enabled  Lord 
Salisbury  to  say,  on  the  death  of  his  chief,  that 
there  was  "  never  a  cloud  between  them  through 
all  their  arduous  labour."  ^ 

1  Life  of  Lord  Cranbrook,  II.   136.     In  saying  this,  Lord  Salisbury 
must  surely  have  forgotten  the  incident  just  related. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     267 

In  1876,  the  crisis  in  the  Near  East  turned 
all  thoughts  away  from  home  affairs,  and  the 
course  of  events  provided  Lord  Salisbury  with 
his  first  experience  as  a  diplomatist.  Servia  and 
Montenegro  declared  war  on  Turkey  in  July, 
and  in  the  autumn  Gladstone's  agitation  over  the 
Bulgarian  atrocities  stirred  up  passions  and 
created  an  atmosphere  in  which  sane  diplomacy 
found  its  difficulties  enormously  increased.  In 
November,  Turkey  granted  an  armistice  at  the 
instance  of  Russia,  and  Britain  at  once  suggested 
a  conference  of  the  Powers,  which  sat  at  Constanti- 
nople from  December  nth,  1876,  to  January  20th, 
1877.  To  this  conference  Lord  Salisbury  was  sent 
as  the  English  plenipotentiary,  and  the  selection 
was  warmly  approved  by  Gladstone. 

"  I  think  it  right,"  he  wrote  to  a  correspondent,  "  at 
once  to  give  you  my  opinion  of  Lord  Salisbury,  whom  I 
know  pretty  well  in  private.  He  has  little  foreign  or 
Eastern  knowledge,  and  Httle  craft ;  he  is  rough  of  tongue 
in  public  debate,  but  a  great  gentleman  in  private  society ; 
he  is  very  remarkably  clever,  of  unsure  judgment,  but  is 
above  anything  mean ;  has  no  Disraelite  prejudices ; 
keeps  a  conscience,  and  has  plenty  of  manhood  and 
character.  In  a  word  the  appointment  of  Lord  Salisbury 
to  Constantinople  is  the  best  thing  the  Government  have 
yet  done  in  the  Eastern  question."  ^ 

Accompanied  by  Lady  Salisbury,  Lord  Cran- 
borne,  and  Lady  Maud  Cecil,  the  British 
representative  left  London  on  November  20th, 
and  after  visiting  Paris,  Berlin,  Vienna  and  Rome, 

'■  Morley,  Gladstone,  Life  of,  ed.  1905,  II.  168. 


268  THE  CECILS 

and  exchanging  views  with  the  foreign  ministers  in 
those  capitals,  he  arrived  at  Constantinople  early 
in  December.  The  object  of  the  Conference,  as  he 
afterwards  pointed  out,  was  "  first  of  all  to  restore 
peace  between  Turkey  and  Servia  and  Montenegro, 
and  then  to  obtain  good  government  for  the 
Turkish  provinces  ;  but,"  he  added,  "  undoubtedly 
we  also  went  into  the  Conference  to  stop  a  great 
and  menacing  danger,  namely,  the  prospect  of 
war  between  Russia  and  Turkey/'  The  British 
proposals,  which  formed  the  basis  of  discussion, 
included  the  conclusion  of  peace,  and  the  restora- 
tion of  the  status  quo  in  Servia  and  Montenegro  ; 
the  concession  of  local  self-government  to  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina  ;  and  a  guarantee  for  the  good 
government  of  Bulgaria.  These  proposals  the 
Porte  rejected,  and  the  Conference  broke  up, 
with  the  inevitable  sequel  that  Russia  declared 
war. 

For  the  first  nine  months  of  the  war,  England 
maintained  a  strict  neutrahty,  keeping,  however, 
a  watchful  eye  upon  any  action  which  might 
affect  her  interests.  But  after  the  fall  of  Plevna, 
the  Russian  advance  began  to  threaten  Constanti- 
nople, and  the  British  Government  decided,  in 
January,  1878,  to  send  the  fleet  through  the 
Dardanelles — a  course  of  action  for  which  Lord 
Salisbury,  "  worn  out  by  Russian  duplicity," 
was  more  eager  than  anyone  else.^  Then  came 
the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  and  the  consequent 
proposal  for  a  Congress  of  the  Powers,  to  which 

1  Life  of  Lord  Cranbrook,  II.  46' 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     269 

Russia  agreed,  while  arrogantly  reserving  to  her- 
self the  liberty  of  accepting  for  discussion  only 
such  points  as  she  thought  fit.  Negotiations  were 
consequently  broken  off,  the  reserves  called  out, 
and  to  the  relief  of  the  Government,  Lord  Derby, 
who  had  for  some  time  been  in  disagreement  with 
his  colleagues,  finally  resigned  (March  28th). 

In  explaining  the  reasons  for  his  resignation 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  some  months  later.  Lord 
Derby  said  that  the  Cabinet  had  decided  to 
send  a  "  secret  naval  expedition  "  to  seize  the 
island  of  Cyprus,  together  with  a  point  on  the 
Syrian  coast.  Thereupon  Lord  Salisbury  "  very 
pointedly  contradicted  him,  on  the  authority, 
not  only  of  his  own  memory,  but  of  the  memories 
of  several  of  his  colleagues  "  ;  ^  and  he  further 
proceeded  to  compare  his  revelations  with  those 
of  Titus  Oates.  This  regrettable  misunder- 
standing arose,  according  to  Sir  Stafford  Northcote, 
from  the  failure  of  Lord  Derby  "  to  distinguish 
between  a  conversation  about  certain  undecided 
points,  and  a  decision  about  another  point,  the 
Reserves."  -  The  difference  of  opinion  was 
accentuated  by  the  personal  antagonism  which 
always  existed  between  the  two  men,  in  spite 
of  their  close  connection  by  marriage.  Lord 
Derby  afterwards  joined  Gladstone's  ministry  as 
Colonial  Secretary,  and  Lord  Sahsbury  remarked 
of  him  that  he  "  never  strayed  far  from  the 
frontier  lines  of  either  party,  where  he  expended 

1  Andrew  Lang,  Life  of  Sir  S.  Northcote,  II.  107. 

2  Ihid.,  II.  108. 


270  THE   CECILS 

his  great  powers  in  being  disagreeable  to  his 
former  friends." 

A  few  days  later  (April  ist),  the  appointment 
of  Lord  Salisbury  as  Foreign  Secretary  was 
announced,  and  next  day  there  appeared  in  the 
Press  the  famous  "  Salisbury  Circular,"  a  note 
addressed  to  the  British  representatives  abroad, 
which  summed  up  in  masterly  fashion  the  objec- 
tions to  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  chief  among 
which  was  the  proposed  creation  of  a  "  big 
Bulgaria,"  and  at  the  same  time  set  forth,  in 
courteous  but  clear  and  resolute  language,  the 
aims  of  British  policy.  The  effect  of  this 
memorable  document — the  "  Happy  Despatch  " 
as  it  was  called — was  to  prove  to  Europe  in  general, 
and  Russia  in  particular,  that  England  was 
prepared  to  take  the  necessary  steps  to  defend 
her  interests.  She  was  seen  to  be  in  earnest,  and 
her  declaration  of  policy  was  welcomed  both  at 
home  and  abroad.  Negotiations  were  conse- 
quently resumed  on  a  sounder  basis,  and  on 
June  3rd  the  Government  were  able  to  announce 
that  the  Congress  would  meet  in  Berlin  in  ten 
days'  time,  and  that  all  the  provisions  of  the 
Treaty  would  come  under  discussion.  Great 
Britain  was  to  be  represented  by  the  Prime 
Minister  and  the  Foreign  Secretary. 

Meanwhile,  meetings  had  taken  place  between 
Lord  Salisbury  and  Count  Shuvalov,  the  Russian 
Ambassador,  and  as  a  result  a  private  agreement 
had  been  arrived  at  as  to  the  basis  of  the  proposed 
compromise.     An  outline  of  this  agreement  was 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     271 

surreptitiously  divulged  to  the  Glohe  newspaper 
by  a  Foreign  Office  copyist,  and  Lord  Salisbury 
was  asked  in  the  House  of  Lords  whether  there 
was  any  truth  in  the  statement.  His  reply  that 
the  "  statement  was  wholly  unauthentic  and  not 
deserving  of  the  confidence  of  your  Lordship's 
House,"  has  been  the  subject  of  much  criticism, 
and  has  been  described  as  "  the  most  debatable 
incident  in  a  singularly  honourable  career."  ^ 
But  it  is  surely  not  open  to  doubt  that  there 
are  occasions  when  a  statesman,  whose  duty  is 
to  uphold  the  interests  of  his  country,  must 
act  in  obedience  to  higher  principles  even  than 
verbal  accuracy.  In  the  present  case  silence 
would  have  been  equivalent  to  acquiescence, 
and  an  affirmation  of  the  authenticity  of  the 
agreement  would  have  rendered  it  useless  as  a 
basis  of  discussion,  and,  in  all  probability,  have 
stultified  the  Congress  altogether.  "  For  my 
own  part,"  says  Dr.  Traill  with  much  wisdom,^ 
"  I  do  not  hesitate  to  avow  that  a  statesman  who, 
so  situated,  should  deliberately  prefer  to  sacrifice 
what  he  conceived  to  be  the  highest  interests  of 
the  State  to  his  private  scruples,  would  deserve 
that  his  head  should  be  first  crowned  for  his 
fidelity  to  his  own  conscience,  and  then  struck 
off  for  treason  to  his  country." 

The  Congress  sat  for  a  month,  and  the  resulting 

*  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  2nd  Supp.,  I.  334. 

2  Life  of  Lord  Salisbury,  p.  176.  Mr.  (now  Sir  Henry)  Lucy  wittily 
fathered  on  Lord  Derby  the  proposal  that  "  a  familiar  proverb  shall 
henceforth  be  quoted  cum grano  Salis-bury  "  {Diary  of  Two  Parliaments, 
I-  445)- 


272  THE   CECILS 

treaty  followed  closely  the  lines  of  the  Salisbury- 
Shu  valov  agreement.  The  most  dangerous  pro- 
vision of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  by  which  a 
greater  Bulgaria,  extending  southwards  to  the 
Aegean,  was  formed  into  an  autonomous 
principality,  was  abrogated,  and  instead  two 
autonomous  provinces  were  formed  —  Bulgaria 
with  an  elected  prince,  and  Eastern  Roumelia, 
south  of  the  Balkans,  with  a  Christian  governor 
nominated  by  the  Porte.  Russia  obtained  Bess- 
arabia as  well  as  Kars  and  Batoum,  the  latter  to 
be  made  into  a  free  commercial  port.  Montenegro, 
Servia  and  Roumania  were  confirmed  in  their 
independence,  and  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  were 
handed  over  to  be  administered  by  Austria.  The 
latter  arrangement  was  Lord  Salisbury's  own 
proposal,  and  was  in  accordance  with  his  strongly 
held  opinion,  that  "  in  the  strength  and  indepen- 
dence of  Austria  lie  the  best  hopes  of  European 
stability  and  peace."  ^ 

By  a  convention  with  Turkey,  concluded  before 
the  Conference  met,  the  protectorate  of  Cyprus 
was  transferred  to  England,  who,  in  return, 
undertook  to  guarantee  the  integrity  of  the 
Sultan's  Asiatic  possessions. 

Though  the  provisions  of  this  treaty  have  not 
proved  lasting,  great  credit  is  due  to  the  British 
plenipotentiaries  for  their  share  in  it  ;  and  of 
this  credit.  Lord  Salisbury,  in  spite  of  Bismarck's 
unkind  description  of  him  as  "  a  lath  painted  to 
look  like  iron,"  deserves  almost,  if  not  quite,  as 

1  Speech  at  Manchester,  October,  1S79. 


G.   Richmond 


ROBERT,    THIRD    MARQUESS    OF    SALISBURY,    KG. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     273 

much  as  his  colleague.  On  their  return  to 
London,  they  were  received  with  popular  ovations, 
and  the  Queen  expressed  her  appreciation  of 
their  services  by  investing  them  with  the  Order 
of  the  Garter — the  only  honour  Lord  Salisbury 
accepted  from  the  Crown  until  the  end  of  his 
long  career.^ 

Beaconsfield's  "  peace  with  honour "  was  no 
inapt  description  of  an  agreement  which  averted 
war  while  curbing  the  ambitions  of  Russia. 
"  Give  Russia  an  inch,"  said  a  wit,  "  and  she  will 
take  the  Dardanelles  "  ;  and  English  policy  was 
largely  governed  by  that  fear.  Thus,  although  the 
treaty  did  not  satisfy  those  enthusiasts  who 
wanted  the  Turk  swept  "  bag  and  baggage  " 
out  of  Europe,  reasonable  people  perceived  that 
at  any  rate  Turkish  opportunities  of  oppressing 
the  Christian  population  of  the  Balkans  had  been 
considerably  curtailed. 

As  to  the  wisdom  of  British  policy  as  a  whole 
in  regard  to  Russia,  that  is  too  large  a  subject 
to  touch  upon  here.  But  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Lord  Salisbury  himself  had  misgivings  on  the 
subject.  Many  years  later,  when  he  spoke  of 
our  having  "  put  all  our  money  upon  the  wrong 
horse,"  he  was  referring  to  the  rejection  of  the 
Emperor  Nicholas's  overtures  in  1853,  which 
committed  this  country  to  an  anti-Russian 
policy  ;  and  on  the  same  occasion  -  he  defended 
the  Treaty  of  Berlin  on  the  ground  that  "  when 

1  He  was  created  G.C.V.O.  on  his  retirement  in  1902 

2  Speech  in  the  House  of  Lords,  January  19th,  1897. 

C.  T 


274  THE   CECILS 

a  step  of  this  kind  has  once  been  taken,  you  are 
practically  obliged  to  go  on,"  and  "  all  that  Lord 
Beaconsfield  did  was  to  carry  out  the  policy 
which  his  predecessors  had  laid  down."  He 
added  that  Beaconsfield  was  not  free  from  mis- 
giving, but  "  still  entertained  hopes,  which  I 
did  not  entertain.  Those  hopes  have  not  been 
realised." 

During  the  next  two  years,  the  popularity  of 
the  Government  declined,  and  in  1880  the 
Liberals  were  again  returned  to  power,  with 
Gladstone  as  Prime  Minister.  A  year  later,  on 
April  19th,  1881,  Lord  Beaconsfield  died,  at  the 
height  of  his  reputation,  and  Lord  Salisbury 
succeeded  him  as  Conservative  leader  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  Sir  Stafford  Northcote  still 
led  the  Opposition  in  the  Commons,  and  this 
system  of  "  dual  control "  continued  for  the 
next  four  years. 

At  this  time  Lord  Salisbury  was  by  no  means 
universally  recognised  as  the  future  Prime 
Minister.  Great  as  was  his  ability,  he  was  thought 
to  be  wanting  in  tact  and  moderation,  and  his 
personal  reserve  prevented  him  from  being  in 
any  sense  a  popular  figure.  "  He  has  many  of 
the  most  necessary  qualities  of  a  leader,"  wrote 
Lord  Lytton  at  this  time  ;  "  great  powers  of 
work,  and  a  charm  of  manner  very  attractive 
to  those  who  are  immediately  about  him.  But 
he  makes  bitter  personal  enemies,  and  the  country 
at  large  mistrusts  him,  I  think."  ^ 

1  Letters  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Lytton,  II.  233. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     275 

He  did  little  while  in  opposition  to  increase 
his  reputation.  To  Gladstone's  reckless  and 
demoralising  Irish  legislation  he  offered  no 
effective  resistance.  The  Irish  Land  Bill  of 
1881  was  allowed  to  pass,  after  Gladstone  had 
accepted  the  Lords'  amendments,  and  the  same 
course  was  adopted  with  the  infamous  Arrears 
Bill  of  the  following  year  ;  though  in  the  latter 
case  it  is  only  fair  to  Lord  Salisbury  to  remember 
that  he  wished  to  insist  on  the  Lords'  amendments, 
and  so  defeat  the  Bill,  which  he  described  as  an 
act  of  simple  robbery,  but  he  was  overruled  by 
his  followers. 

In  the  last  two  articles  which  he  contributed 
to  the  Quarterly  Review,^  he  subjected  Liberal 
policy  at  home  and  abroad  to  the  most  scathing 
and  damaging  analysis.  The  writer's  enunciation 
of  sound  Conservative  principles,  and  his  searching 
insight  into  the  psychology  of  Radical  legislation, 
render  these  articles  not  only  eminently  readable, 
but  applicable  for  page  after  page  to  the  events 
of  the  present  day.  Whether  he  deals  with  the 
increasing  influence  of  that  school  of  political 
thought,  whose  "  distinguishing  mark  is  that  in 
any  issues  which  may  arise  between  England 
and  any  other  population,  foreign  or  dependent, 
they  usually  find  reason  for  thinking  that  England 
is  in  the  wrong  "  ;  or  dilates  on  the  dangers  of 
hasty  and  ill-considered  legislation,  or  of  the 
uncontrolled  powers  of  the  House  of  Commons  ; 

'  October,  1881,  "Ministerial  Embarrassments"  and  October,  1S83, 
"  Disintegration." 

T  2 


276  THE   CECILS 

or  gives  expression  to  the  anxiety  caused  by 
attacks  on  landed  property  and  appeals  to  class 
hatred  :  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  he  is  writing 
of  the  current  politics  of  thirty  years  ago. 

In  the  article  entitled  "  Disintegration,"  he 
sums  up  admirably  what  should  be  the  aim  of  the 
Conservative  party  :  "  The  object  of  our  party 
is  not,  and  ought  not  to  be,  simply  to  keep  things 
as  they  are.  In  the  first  place,  the  enterprise  is 
impossible.  In  the  next  place,  there  is  much  in 
our  present  mode  of  thought  and  action  which 
it  is  highly  undesirable  to  conserve.  What  we 
require  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs, 
whether  in  the  executive  or  the  legislative  depart- 
ment, is  that  spirit  of  the  old  constitution  which 
held  the  nation  together  as  a  whole,  and  levelled 
its  united  force  at  objects  of  national  import, 
instead  of  splitting  it  up  into  a  bundle  of 
unfriendly    and    distrustful    fragments." 

Another  passage  in  the  same  article,  written, 
be  it  remembered,  before  any  prominent  politician 
had  advocated  Home  Rule,  contains  so  wise  and 
so  prophetic  a  pronouncement  on  the  subject 
that  it  deserves  to  be  quoted  :— 

"  The  highest  interests  of  the  Empire,  as  well  as  the 
most  sacred  obligations  of  honour,  forbid  us  to  solve  this 
question  by  conceding  any  species  of  independence  to 
Ireland  ;  or,  in  other  words,  any  licence  to  the  majority 
in  that  country,  to  govern  the  rest  of  Irishmen  as  they 
please.  To  the  minority,  to  those  who  have  trusted  us, 
and  on  the  faith  of  our  protection  have  done  our  work,  it 
would  be  a  sentence  of  exile  or  of  ruin.  All  that  is  Protes- 
tant, nay,  all  that  is  loyal,  all  who  have  land  or  money  to 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY    277 

lose,  all  by  whose  enterprise  and  capital  industry  and 
commerce  are  still  sustained,  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  the 
adventurers  who  have  led  the  Land  League,  if  not  of  the 
darker  counsellors  by  whom  the  Invincibles  have  been 
inspired.  If  we  have  failed  after  centuries  of  effort  to 
make  Ireland  peaceable  and  civilised,  we  have  no  moral 
right  to  abandon  our  post  and  leave  all  the  penalty  of  our 
failure  to  those  whom  we  have  persuaded  to  trust  in  our 
power.  It  would  be  an  act  of  political  bankruptcy,  an 
avowal  that  we  were  unable  to  satisf  v'  even  the  most  sacred 
obligations,  and  that  all  claims  to  protect  or  govern 
anyone  beyond  our  own  narrow  island  were  at  an  end." 

The  disastrous  policy  of  the  Government  in 
Ireland,  their  "  blunders,  shortcomings  and  mis- 
adventures "  abroad — in  South  Africa,  in  Egypt 
and  the  Sudan,  in  Afghanistan  and  elsewhere — 
and  the  violent  dissensions  in  the  Cabinet  and  the 
party,  afforded  incomparable  opportunities  to 
the  Opposition  of  which,  however,  they  did  not 
take  sufficiently  active  advantage.  In  1884, 
Gladstone  introduced  a  Franchise  Bill,  by  which 
he  proposed  to  add  2,000,000  voters  to  the 
register.  It  was  resisted  mainly  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  not  accompanied  by  a  redistribution 
scheme,  and  on  the  second  reading  in  the  Lords, 
an  amendment  on  these  lines  was  carried  by  a 
majority  of  fifty-nine.  The  Bill  was  consequently 
withdrawn,  to  be  reintroduced  in  an  autumn 
session,  when  negotiations  between  the  Conserva- 
tive and  Liberal  leaders  resulted  in  an  agreement 
that  a  Redistribution  Bill  should  be  brought  in 
and  the  Franchise  Bill  be  allowed  to  pass.  These 
meetings   between   Lord   Salisbury,    Sir   Stafford 


278  THE  CECILS 

Northcote  and  Gladstone  are  interesting,  as 
marking  the  first  time  on  record  when  a  measure 
has  been  discussed  before  its  introduction  by  the 
leaders  of  both  sides.  Gladstone  was  good  enough 
to  say  that  he  was  much  struck  with  the  quickness 
of  Lord  Salisbury,  and  found  it  a  pleasure  to  deal 
with  so  acute  a  man.  At  the  same  time  he 
declared  that  Lord  Salisbury  was  entirely  devoid 
of  respect  for  tradition,  and  that  he  himself  was 
a  strong  Conservative  in  comparison.^  The  fact 
was,  no  doubt,  that  here,  as  always,  Lord  Salisbury 
showed  that  he  cared  nothing  for  abstract  theories, 
and  was  prepared  to  consider  any  proposal  on 
its  merits  without  reference  to  party  catchwords, 
a  state  of  mind  naturally  unintelligible  to  his 
opponent. 

1  Morley's  Life  of  Gladstone,  II.  378. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

THE    THIRD    MARQUESS    OF    SALISBURY     {continued) 

The  abandonment  of  Gordon  and  the  fall  of 
Khartoum,  in  February,  1885,  aroused,  in  Lord 
Salisbury's  words,  "  not  only  sympathy  and 
regret,  but  bitter  and  burning  indignation." 
Gordon,  he  declared,  had  been  "  sacrificed  to 
the  squabbles  of  a  Cabinet,  and  the  necessities 
of  Parliamentary  tactics,"  and  this  shameful 
betrayal,  combined  with  the  universal  feeling  that 
the  honour  and  reputation  of  England  were  not 
safe  in  the  hands  of  the  Government,  finall}^ 
decided  their  fate.  They  hung  on  till  June,  when 
they  were  defeated  on  a  Budget  vote  of  no 
importance,  and  at  once  resigned.  The  Queen 
sent  for  Lord  Salisbury,  who  consented  to  take 
office,  although  the  Conservatives  were  in  a 
minority  of  nearly  100  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  owing  to  the  new  Redistribution  Bill,  a 
general  election  was  not  possible  until  November. 

Difficulties  arose,  first  owing  to  Gladstone's 
unwillingness  to  pledge  himself  to  give  the 
necessary  support  to  the  Government  in  the 
conduct  of  public  business,  and  secondly,  because 
Lord  Randolph  Churchill  refused  to  serve  if 
Sir  Stafford  Northcote  still  led  the  House  of 
Commons.     The    first    difficulty    was    settled    by 


28o  THE   CECILS 

the  intervention  of  the  Queen,  and  the  second  by 
the  promotion  of  Northcote  to  the  Peerage,  as 
Earl  of  Iddesleigh,  with  the  post  of  First  Lord  of 
the  Treasury  The  Prime  Minister  himself  went  to 
the  Foreign  Office,  and  Sir  M.  Hicks-Beach  became 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and  leader  of  the 
House  of  Commons.  The  difficulty  of  the  dual 
leadership  of  the  party  was  thus  finally  overcome. 
These  negotiations  rendered  the  formation  of 
a  ministry  more  than  usually  troublesome,  and 
Lord  Cranbrook,  who  was  Lord  President  of  the 
Council,  records  in  his  Diary  that  "  Salisbury, 
weary  of  the  self-seekers,  the  beggars,  the  imprac- 
ticables,  and  above  all,  of  one  who  played  such 
pranks,  would  gladly  have  thrown  up  his  task, 
and  gone  almost  into  private  life  ;  but  his  feeling 
for  the  Queen,  who  cannot  retire  or  resign,  was 
such  as  to  overbear  all  other  considerations."  ^ 
Lord  Salisbury,  as  the  same  observer  notes, 
"  abhorred  patronage  and  its  littleness,"  and 
though  he  loved  the  Foreign  Office,  and  would 
not  willingly  have  given  that  up,  he  would 
probably  have  gladly  resigned  the  Premiership 
at  any  time.- 

In  this  ministry,  Mr.  A.  J.  Balfour,  Lord 
Salisbury's  nephew,  took  office  for  the  first  time, 
as  President  of  the  Local  Government  Board. 

At  home  the  Government  had  little  to  do  beyond 
the  necessary  winding-up  of  business  in  prepara- 
tion for  the  election  in  the  autumn.     But  Lord 

^  Life  of  Lord  Cranbrook,  II.  220. 
2  Ibid..  II.  286. 


THIRD   MAROUESS   OF  SALISBURY     281 

Salisbury  managed  to  pass  a  useful  Bill  for  the 
Housing  of  the  Working  Classes,  based  on  the 
report  of  a  Commission  for  which  he  had  moved 
in  the  previous  year. 

Abroad  the  situation  was  full  of  embarrass- 
ments. Isolated  in  Europe,  the  country  was 
embroiled  in  quarrels  all  over  the  world,  and  was 
on  the  brink  of  war  with  Russia  on  the  Afghan 
frontier.  In  this  matter,  which  arose  out  of 
what  is  known  as  the  Penjdeh  incident,  the 
Liberal  Foreign  Minister,  Lord  Granville,  had 
made  concession  after  concession,  justifying  Lord 
Salisbury's  taunt  that  "  the  Government  go 
into  every  danger  with  a  light  head,  and  then 
they  make  up  by  escaping  from  it  with  a  light 
foot."  He  took  a  more  firm  attitude,  and  the 
Russians,  seeing  that  he  was  in  earnest,  agreed 
to  the  appointment  of  a  boundary  commission. 
War,  which  a  few  months  earlier  had  appeared 
to  be  inevitable,  was  thus  avoided.  In  Egypt 
and  elsewhere.  Lord  Salisbury's  handling  of  the 
problems  left  him  by  his  predecessors  had  good 
results,  and  even  won  the  approbation  of 
Gladstone,  who  said  "  he  could  not  object  to  one 
item  of  his  foreign  policy  "  ;  on  hearing  which. 
Lord  Salisbury  remarked,  "  I  fear  I  must  have 
done  wrong."  ^  But  before  his  work  could  be 
perfected,  the  general  election  (December,  1885) 
again  put  the  Liberals  in  ofhce,  a  result  due  to 
the  gratitude  of  the  newly  enfranchised  agri- 
cultural labourers. 

1  Life  of  Lord  Cranhrook,  II.  239. 


282  THE   CECILS 

Hostile  critics  have  made  much  capital  out  of 
Lord  Salisbury's  supposed  philanderings  with 
Home  Rule.  In  a  speech  at  Newport  (October  7th, 
1885),  which  Lord  Morley  describes  as  "  one  of 
the  tallest  and  most  striking  landmarks  in  the 
shifting  sands  of  this  controversy,"  he  used  words 
which  have  been  taken  as  an  indication  that  he 
considered  the  creation  of  an  Irish  Parliament 
as  more  satisfactory  than  a  mere  extension  of 
Local  Government.  Yet,  later  in  the  same 
speech,  the  following  words  occur  :  "  With  respect 
to  the  larger  organic  questions  connected  with 
Ireland,  I  cannot  say  much,  though  I  can  speak 
emphatically.  I  have  nothing  to  say  but  that 
the  traditions  of  the  party  to  which  we  belong 
are  on  this  point  clear  and  distinct,  and  you 
may  rely  upon  it  our  party  will  not  depart  from 
them."  Surely  this  explicit  statement  is  at  least 
sufficient  to  show  that  in  his  previous  remarks 
he  had  not  the  "  larger  organic  questions  "  in 
mind.  In  fact,  no  construction  of  this  kind  would 
ever  have  been  put  on  the  speech  had  not  an 
event  come  to  light  which  seemed  to  point  in  a 
similar  direction.  It  appeared  that,  in  the 
preceding  June,  the  Irish  Viceroy,  Lord  Carnarvon, 
with  the  approval  of  the  Prime  Minister,  had  an 
interview  with  Parnell,  at  which,  according  to 
the  subsequent  report  of  the  Irish  leader,  Lord 
Carnarvon  outlined  a  scheme  of  Home  Rule  with 
which  Parnell  found  himself  "  in  complete  accord." 
In  spite  of  the  Viceroy's  denial  of  the  accuracy 
of  this  report,  the  incident  was,  of  course,  eagerly 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY    283 

seized  upon  by  partisans  on  the  look-out  for  any 
stick  with  which  to  belabour  their  opponents. 
It  is  one  of  the  commonest  and  cheapest  forms 
of  political  controversy  to  accuse  your  adversary 
of  secret  attachment  to  the  particular  line  of 
policy  which  he  spends  his  life  in  opposing.  Had 
Lord  Salisbury  shown  any  leanings  towards  Home 
Rule,  indications  of  his  state  of  mind  would 
certainly  have  appeared  in  his  private  corre- 
spondence. This  has  not  yet  been  published, 
but  we  are  told  by  a  writer  who  has  had  access 
to  it  that  it  contains  "  nothing  to  show  that  he 
even  contemplated  anything  more  than  the 
measure  of  Irish  Local  Government,  which,  in 
fact,  he  afterwards  granted."  ^ 

Gladstone's  first  Home  Rule  Bill  was  introduced 
in  April,  and  while  the  debate  was  at  its  height. 
Lord  Salisbury  committed  one  of  his  "  blazing 
indiscretions,"  of  which  his  opponents  were  quick 
to  take  advantage.  In  a  speech  in  St.  James's 
Hall  (May  15th,  1886)  he  propounded  his  recipe 
for  the  pacification  of  Ireland — "  twenty  years' 
resolute  government."  And  he  went  on  to  say 
that  Ireland  was  not  one  nation,  but  two  nations. 
"  There  were  races  like  the  Hottentots,  and  even 
the  Hindus,  incapable  of  self-government.  He 
would  not  place  confidence  in  people  who 
had  acquired  the  habit  of  using  knives  and 
slugs." 

With  regard  to  these  and  similar  "  calculated 
brutalities  "  of  speech,  the  opinion  of  Lord  Robert 

1  Mr.  Algernon  Cecil  in  the  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  2nd  Supp.  I.  336. 


284  THE  CECILS 

Cecil  may  be  quoted.^  After  speaking  of  his 
father's  hatred  of  all  hypocrisy  and  cant,  and  his 
contempt  for  all  trivial  and  unnecessary  con- 
ventionalities, he  says  : — 

"  It  is  to  this  side  of  his  character  that  belong  his  so- 
called  '  blazing  indiscretions.'  These  I  take  to  have  been 
not  the  mere  efflorescence  of  a  reckless  wit,  still  less  the 
outcome  of  a  cynical  disbelief  in  lofty  ideals,  but  the 
result  of  his  anxious  desire  that  those  whom  he  was  leading 
should  know,  as  far  as  possible,  the  real  opinions  of  their 
leader.  When  he  described  '  twenty  years'  resolute 
government  '  as  the  alternative  policy  to  Home  Rule, 
when  he  said  villagers  would  find  a  parish  circus  more 
amusing  than  a  parish  council,  he  was  not  only  speaking 
the  literal  truth,  as  subsequent  events  have  proved,  but 
he  was  deliberately  putting  before  the  electors  in  a  striking 
form  an  aspect  of  the  question  under  consideration  which 
he  thought  important,  and  which  the  party  managers 
were  anxious  to  keep  in  the  background.  Other  mental 
or  moral  characteristics — for  in  Lord  Salisbury  the  two 
were  often  indistinguishable — were  no  doubt  partly 
responsible  for  the  '  indiscretions.'  Himself  incapable  ol 
self-deception,  he  thought  it  the  most  dangerous  of  all 
mental  defects.  Any  phrase  or  opinion  arising  from  this 
cause  or  even  from  want  of  clearness  of  thought  he 
regarded  as  noxious.  And  he  did  not  shrink  from 
attacking  intellectual  insincerity,  even  though  he  might 
wound  feelings  otherwise  entitled  to  respect." 

To  which  it  may  be  added  that  he  cared  less 
than  nothing  about  public  opinion,  and,  therefore, 
spoke  exactly  what  he  thought,  checked  by  no 
fear  of  "  what  people  would  say." 

1  Monthly    Review,    October,    1903.     The   article    appeared  anony- 
mously, but  has  since  been  acknowledged  by  Lord  R.  Cecil 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     285 

The  Home  Rule  Bill  was  defeated  by  a  majority 
of  thirty  (June  8th),  and  a  dissolution  followed. 
The  resulting  election  gave  the  combined  Unionists 
a  majority  of  118  over  the  Gladstonians  and 
Nationalists. 

After  a  magnanimous  attempt  to  induce  Lord 
Hartington,  the  leader  of  the  Liberal  Unionists, 
to  form  a  Government,  Lord  Salisbury  again  took 
office  on  July  26th,  1886.  He  himself  became 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  Lord  Iddesleigh 
going  to  the  Foreign  Office,  while  Lord  Randolph 
Churchill  was  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Mr.  Balfour  was 
made  Secretary  for  Scotland,  and  was  admitted  to 
a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  a  few  months  later.  Friction 
soon  arose  between  Churchill  and  his  chief  ;  and 
at  Christmas,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
as  a  protest  against  Lord  Iddesleigh's  foreign 
policy,  and  the  growth  of  expenditure  on  arma- 
ments, tendered  his  resignation,  which,  to  his 
great  surprise,  was  accepted. 

At  this  crisis  the  Prime  Minister  again 
approached  Lord  Hartington,  with  the  proposal 
that  he  should  either  form  a  coalition  government 
or  enter  the  ministry  as  leader  of  the  House  of 
Commons.^  In  spite  of  the  strong  desire  expressed 
by  the  Queen  that  he  should  accept  this  offer, 
Hartington  felt  unable  to  comply.  It  was,  how- 
ever, by  his  advice  that  Goschen  joined  the 
ministry  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 
W.  H.  Smith  became  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury 

1  Bernard  Holland,  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  II.  179. 


286  THE   CECILS 

and  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  Lord 
Salisbury  himself  returned  to  the  Foreign  Office 
in  place  of  Lord  Iddesleigh,  whose  enforced 
resignation  coincided  with  his  tragic  death. 

Another     important    change    in    the     Cabinet 
occurred  in  March,   when   Mr.  Balfour  took  the 
place  of  Sir  M.  Hicks-Beach  as  Irish   Secretary, 
and  began  the  five  years'   tenure   of  that  office 
which  formed  so  epoch-making  a  period  in  the 
government     of     Ireland.     It    also    proved    the 
making  of  his  career.     At  the  time  of  appoint- 
ment he  was  hardly  taken  seriously  as  a  politician, 
being  looked  upon  as  a  clever  but  rather  indolent 
trifler,    though    Lord    Salisbury,    whose    private 
secretary  he  had  been  at  the  time  of  the  Berlin 
Congress,    was   no    doubt    aware    of   his   ability. 
Yet    within  a  remarkably  short  space  of  time  he 
was  not  only  recognised  as  one  of  the  best  debaters 
in  the  House,  but  had  shown  himself  possessed 
of     the     highest     qualities     of     statesmanship. 
Mastering  the  facts  of  the  situation,  and  making 
up   his   mind   that   law  must   be   maintained   in 
Ireland  at  all  costs,  he  refused  to  be  turned  from 
his  purpose  either  by  threats  or  sophistries,  and 
the  final  result  of  his  regime  was  that  crime  in 
Ireland  practically  ceased.     Moreover,  he  became 
one  of  the  most  popular  figures  in  Parliament, 
and  won  the  respect  even  of  the  Irish  members, 
who    had    received    the    announcement    of    his 
appointment    with    scornful    laughter.     And    on 
the   death   of  W.    H.    Smith,   in   October,    1891, 
Mr.  Balfour  was  recognised  as  his  natural  successor. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     287 

and    became    First    Lord    of    the    Treasury    and 
leader  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

Apart  from  the  actual  Irish  legislation  of  these 
years,  the  Crimes  Act  and  the  Land  Act  of  1887, 
and  the  Land  Purchase  Act  of  1891,  Irish  affairs 
played  a  very  large  part  in  Lord  Salisbury's 
second  administration.  The  articles  in  the  Times 
on  "  Parnellism  and  Crime,"  the  Pigott  forgeries, 
the  Parnell  Commission,  the  revelations  in  the 
divorce  court  and  the  consequent  Parnellite  split 
— all  these  events  were  crowded  into  the  six 
years  from  1886 — 1892.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the 
Irish  incubus,  the  Government  was  able  to  pass 
such  important  measures  as  the  Local  Govern- 
ment Acts  (1888  and  1889),  the  Imperial  Defence 
Act  (1889),  the  Free  Education  Act  (1891),  the 
Factory  Act  (1891),  and  the  Small  Holdings 
Act  (1892). 

Lord  Salisbury's  interests  and  labours  lay,  of 
course,  mainly  in  the  sphere  of  foreign  affairs. 
The  early  part  of  his  administration  was  a  period 
full  of  danger,  which  needed  a  strong  man  at  the 
helm.  It  saw  the  formation  of  the  Triple  Alliance 
— unreservedly  welcomed  by  Lord  Salisbury — 
the  Boulanger  movement  in  France,  and  the 
death  of  the  Emperor  William  and  of  the  Emperor 
Frederick  in  Germany.  But  the  most  important 
and  critical  work  of  the  Foreign  Secretary  was 
contained  in  the  negotiations  with  Germany, 
Portugal  and  France,  which  led  to  the  delimitation 
of  the  respective  spheres  of  influence  of  these 
powers  in  Africa. 


288  THE   CECILS 

Since  1884  Germany  had  been  active  in  seizing 
African  territory,  and  Lord  Granville  had  adopted 
a  most  complaisant  attitude  towards  their  schemes. 
Nor  was  Lord  Iddesleigh  more  alive  to  British 
interests.  During  his  short  term  of  office,  he 
actually  completed  an  arrangement  with  Germany 
by  which  England  might  have  been  cut  off 
altogether  from  the  upper  Nile.  Lord  Salisbury, 
however,  was  able  to  counteract  the  effects  of 
this  arrangement  by  granting  a  Royal  Charter 
to  the  British  East  Africa  Company,  founded  by 
Sir  William  Mackinnon.  Gradually,  under  Lord 
Salisbury's  influence,  the  rivalry  between  England 
and  Germany  entered  on  a  less  threatening  phase, 
and  in  1889,  Bismarck,  who  a  few  years  before 
had  adopted  an  aggressive  and  bullying  attitude 
to  this  country,  declared,  in  a  speech  on  colonial 
matters,  that  "  we  have  proceeded,  and  always 
shall  proceed,  in  harmony  with  the  greatest 
colonial  power  in  the  world— England."  But  it 
was  not  till  after  Bismarck's  fall  that  the  pro- 
tracted negotiations  culminated  in  the  Anglo- 
German  Agreement  of  1890,  by  which  the  spheres 
of  influence  of  the  two  countries  in  East  and 
West  Africa  were  determined.  Germany  relin- 
quished all  claim  to  Uganda  and  the  Upper 
Nile,  and  recognised  England's  protectorate  of 
Zanzibar,  receiving  in  exchange  the  island  of 
Heligoland.  This  agreement  is  one  of  Lord 
Salisbury's  greatest  achievements  as  a  diplomatist  ; 
and  though  the  cession  of  Heligoland  met  with 
strong  opposition  at  the  time  and  in  the  light  of 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     289 

recent  developments  appears  even  more  regret- 
table, yet  the  solid  benefits  received  in  exchange 
should  more  than  counterbalance  the  loss. 

In  the  same  year,  by  an  agreement  with  France, 
our  protectorate  of  Zanzibar,  and  our  sphere  of 
influence  in  the  Hausa  States  and  Bornu,  were 
recognised  by  that  country,  while  we  in  return 
recognised  the  French  protectorate  of  Madagascar 
and  her  claims  to  the  Sahara.  Meanwhile, 
British  differences  with  Portugal  had  also  been 
settled,  though  not  so  amicably.  Portugal  had 
put  forward  claims  to  all  the  territories  lying 
between  Angola  on  the  west  and  Mozambique  on 
the  east,  and  these  claims  were  recognised  by 
France  and  Germany  in  1886.  Such  pretensions 
it  was  impossible  to  admit,  and  Lord  Salisbury 
at  once  protested  against  "  any  claims  not 
founded  upon  occupation."  He  also  informed 
the  Portuguese  Government  that  the  Zambesi 
must  be  regarded  as  the  natural  northern  limit  of 
British  South  Africa.  In  1889,  the  charter 
granted  to  the  British  South  Africa  Company  for 
the  development  of  what  is  now  Rhodesia 
occasioned  fresh  disputes  with  the  Portuguese, 
who  made  further  efforts  to  assert  their  claims 
in  the  Zambesi  region.  Finally,  the  news  that 
an  expedition  had  been  despatched  to  the  Shire 
highlands  compelled  Lord  Salisbury  to  send  an 
ultimatum  to  Lisbon,  and  the  expedition  was 
disavowed  and  withdrawn.  Prolonged  negotia- 
tions followed,  resulting  in  a  convention  by 
which,  while  consideration  was  given  to  the  just 

c.  u 


290  THE   CECILS 

claims  of  Portugal,  the  frontiers  of  Rhodesia 
were  defined  and  Nyasaland  secured  for  Great 
Britain. 

"  The  best  justification  of  Lord  Salisbury's 
policy  between  1885  and  1892,"  says  a  writer  in 
the  Quarterly  Review,^  "  is  that  he  found  Great 
Britain  confronted  by  a  hostile  European  coahtion, 
a  prey  to  innumerable  humiliations  and  perplexi- 
ties and  on  the  brink  of  war,  and  that  he  left 
her  at  peace,  enjoying  the  friendship  of  all 
the  great  Powers,  and  pursuing  her  Imperial 
course  with  unfettered  hands  and  undiminished 
lustre." 

The  Conservative  Government  came  to  a  natural 
end  at  the  close  of  the  session  of  1892,  and  at 
the  general  election  the  Opposition  were  returned 
with  a  majority  of  forty.  Lord  Salisbury 
accordingly  gave  place  to  Gladstone,  whose  second 
Home  Rule  Bill  was  passed  by  the  House  of 
Commons  in  1893  and  rejected  by  a  majority 
of  419  against  41  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
Gladstone  did  not  venture  to  appeal  to  the  country, 
which  heartily  approved  of  the  action  of  the 
Peers,  and  the  Liberal  Government  remained  in 
office  until  1895,  when  it  was  defeated  on  a  snap 
division  on  the  Cordite  Vote  (June  21st).  Lord 
Rosebery,  who  had  succeeded  Gladstone  as 
Prime  Minister  in  the  previous  year,  at  once 
resigned,  and  Lord  Salisbury  was  summoned  to 
form  an  administration  for  the  third  time. 

He  was  now  able  to  secure  the  co-operation  of 

1  October  1902,  p.  665. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     291 

the  Liberal  Unionist  leaders,  who  had  drawn  closer 
to  the  Conservatives  during  the  past  three  years, 
and  with  their  aid  he  formed  the  strongest  and 
most  successful  Government  of  modern  times. 
He  again  went  to  the  Foreign  Office,  while 
Mr.  Balfour  led  the  House  of  Commons,  Sir 
Michael  Hicks-Beach  was  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  President 
of  the  Council,  Mr.  Goschen,  First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty,  and  Mr.  Chamberlain,  Colonial 
Secretary.  Mr.  Balfour's  brother,  Gerald,  was 
Secretary  for  Ireland,  and  the  Government  con- 
tinued their  Irish  policy  by  two  excellent  measures, 
the  Irish  Local  Government  Bill  (1898),  and  the 
Bill  which  established  the  new  Department  of 
Agriculture  and  Technical  Instruction  in  Ireland 
(1899).  They  also  passed  a  number  of  other 
useful  Bills,  the  most  important  being  the 
Workmen's  Compensation  Bill  of  1897. 

Lord  Salisbury's  share  in  initiating  and  carrying 
through  domestic  legislation  cannot  at  present  be 
determined.  It  is  certain  that  the  Foreign  Office 
occupied  the  greater  part  of  his  time.  Indeed, 
the  experience  of  these  years  is  enough  to  prove 
that  no  Prime  Minister  should,  in  the  future,  be 
his  own  Foreign  Secretary.  The  duties  of  that 
office  are  too  arduous  and  too  engrossing  to  be 
combined  with  the  adequate  supervision  of  the 
work  of  the  Cabinet  as  a  whole.  It  was  at  this 
point  that  Lord  Salisbury  failed.  Instead  of 
being  personally  responsible  for  every  department 
of  State,  he  allowed  his  colleagues  to  go  their 

u  2 


292  THE   CECILS 

own  way,  without  attempting  to  guide  them. 
"  He  himself,"  says  Lord  Robert  Cecil, ^  "  was 
very  averse  to  collaboration,  and  it  was  natural 
for  him  to  think  that  his  colleagues  would  equally 
dislike  it.  He  did  his  own  work  best  when  left 
entirely  to  himself.  He  had  no  fear  of  respon- 
sibility, and  it  only  hindered  him  to  have  to 
explain  to  others  the  reasons  of  his  actions. 
The  plan  which  suited  him  best  he  assumed  to 
be  the  best  for  others  also."  But  although  the 
result  of  this  defect  in  administration  was  a 
certain  lack  of  cohesion  in  the  policy  of  the 
Government,  its  success  as  a  whole  was  remark- 
able. 

In  the  domain  of  foreign  policy,  Lord  Salisbury 
set  the  seal  to  his  previous  achievements,  and  for 
many  years  before  his  death  he  was  recognised 
as  the  first  statesman  in  Europe.  Through  these 
eventful  years  he  threw  the  whole  of  his  immense 
influence  into  the  scale  on  the  side  of  peace  and 
in  favour  of  arbitration,  and  his  record  is  one 
of  which  he  might  well  be  proud. 

He  took  office  at  a  critical  moment.  The 
massacres  in  Armenia  had  roused  public  opinion 
to  such  a  pitch  of  horror  that,  in  view  of  the 
obstructive  attitude  of  Russia,  and  the  indifference 
of  the  other  Powers  to  anything  but  their  own 
interests,  it  seems  to  be  clear  that  Lord  Kimberley 
had  decided  to  apply  coercion  to  the  Sultan 
unaided,  and  that  war  was,  in  fact,  imminent. 
But    although    I>ord    Sahsbury    was    a    "  sincere 

1  Monthly  Review,  October,  1903. 


THIRD  MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     293 

sympathiser  with  the  Christians  of  Turkey,  and 
regarded  the  Government  of  that  country  as 
mimical  to  civihsation,"  ^  he  was  not  prepared 
to  undertake  a  crusade  on  their  behalf  in  the 
face  of  Europe.  At  the  Guildhall  banquet 
(November  9th),  however,  he  denounced  the 
Sultan  in  very  strong  terms,  and  used  threatening 
language,  which  drew  an  angry  protest  from 
Abdul  Hamid.  Lord  Salisbury  never  made  threats 
which  he  did  not  intend  to  carry  out,  but  on  the 
present  occasion  no  action  followed,  and  it  is 
understood  that  another  Power  had  promised  to 
co-operate  with  Great  Britain,  but  afterwards 
withdrew.  It  was  certainly  not  his  fault  that 
the  tedious,,  negotiations  of  the  next  eighteen 
months  resulted  only  in  a  scheme  of  paper  reform 
which  was  never  put  into  force. 

In  the  settlement  of  the  Cretan  question  he 
achieved  more  success,  and  the  result  of  his 
unwearied  patience  and  skilful  leading  of  the 
Concert  of  Europe  was  that  an  autonomous 
regime,  with  Prince  George  of  Greece  as  Governor, 
was  set  up  in  Crete  at  the  end  of  1898,  and  the 
island  entered  on  a  period  of  unwonted  peace 
and  prosperity.  It  was  Lord  Salisbury  who 
reorganised  the  Concert  as  a  great  engine  of  peace 
— "  the  embryo  of  the  only  possible  structure  of 
Europe  which  can  save  civilisation  from  the 
effects  of  a  disastrous  war."  At  the  same  time 
he  recognised  its  cumbrous  methods,  and  quoted, 
with  approbation,  the  remark  that  "  the  Cretans 

1  The  late  Canon  MacCoU  in  The  Spectator,  August  29th,  1903. 


294  THE   CECILS 

may  be  evil  beasts,  but  the  Powers  are  certainly 
slow  bellies."  ^ 

Meanwhile,  England  had  been  on  the  brink  of 
war  both  with  Germany  and  with  the  United 
States.  The  German  Emperor's  telegram  to 
Kruger  after  the  Jameson  Raid  excited  extra- 
ordinary indignation  in  England,  but  the  prompt 
mobilisation  of  a  flying  squadron,  and  other 
military  and  naval  precautions,  were  sufficient 
to  show  that  German  intervention  in  South 
Africa  would  not  be  permitted,  and  the  incident 
closed.  It  is  probable  that  the  mobilisation  may 
have  been  ordered  with  a  view  to  impressing 
the  United  States  as  well  as  Germany.  A  fort- 
night before  the  Jameson  Raid  (December  17th, 
1895),  President  Cleveland  had  sent  to  Con- 
gress a  preposterous  message  concerning  the 
Venezuelan  boundary  question,  in  which  he 
practically  threatened  England  with  war.  The 
first  shock  of  surprise  was  followed  by  such  an 
exacerbation  of  feeling  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic,  that  for  some  days  it  seemed  as  though 
hostilities  could  not  be  avoided.  Lord  Salisbury, 
however,  preserved  an  imperturbable  attitude, 
the  excitement  died  down,  and  eventually  an 
international  commission  was  appointed  which 
decided  the  matter  almost  entirely  in  favour  of 
Great  Britain.  Following  upon  this  award,  Lord 
Salisbury  proposed  a  general  treaty  of  arbitration 
with  the   United   States,   and  this  was   actually 

1  Sir  Mountstuart  Grant-Duff's  Notes  from  a  Diary,  February  23rd, 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     295 

negotiated  by  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote  and  signed 
on  January  nth,  1897.  The  Senate,  however, 
refused  to  ratify  it,  and  the  main  result  of  the 
negotiations  was  to  revive  anti-British  feeling 
in  the  States.  In  spite  of  this  rebuff.  Lord 
Salisbury  exerted  himself  unremittingly  to 
establish  more  cordial  relations  between  the  two 
countries.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish- 
American  war,  in  1898,  it  was  his  firm  attitude 
which  prevented  European  intervention  ;  and 
he  gave  further  practical  proof  of  friendship  by 
resigning  to  the  United  States,  in  the  Samoa 
Convention  of  1899,  certain  Samoan  islands,  thus, 
in  effect,  making  them  a  "  free  gift  of  the  finest 
harbour  in  the  Pacific,"  ^  Finally,  the  Hay- 
Pauncefote  Treaty,  signed  in  1900,  enabled  the 
United  States  to  build  the  Panama  Canal,  with 
the  results  which  we  all  know.  The  outcome  of 
his  endeavours  was  undoubtedly  to  improve  the 
official  relations  between  London  and  Washington, 
and  if  he  did  not  achieve  all  that  he  hoped,  his 
efforts  "  will  always  rank  brightly  among  the 
lofty  strivings  by  which  the  whole  of  his  long 
and  fruitful  career  has  been  inspired."  " 

Turning  to  events  in  the  Far  East,  one  cannot 
help  feeling  that  Lord  Salisbury  felt  less  at  home 
in  this  sphere,  and  that  he  probably  took  little 
interest  in  it.  When  Germany  seized  Kiao  Chau, 
and  Russia,  in  defiance  of  treaty  rights  and  specific 
assurances,   took   possession   of   Port  Arthur,   he 

1  H.  Whates,  The  Third  Salisbury  Administration,  p.  loi. 

2  Quarterly  Review,  October,  1902,  p.  675. 


296  THE   CECILS 

protested  mildly  and  then  tamely  acquiesced ; 
while  his  withdrawal  of  British  ships  from  Port 
Arthur,  where  they  had  every  right  to  be,  at 
the  bidding  of  Russia,  is  very  difficult  to  defend. 
Nor  were  these  diplomatic  reverses  counterbalanced 
by  the  acquisition  of  Wei-Hai-Wei.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  obtained  the  extension  of  the 
limits  of  Hong  Kong ;  the  opening  up  of  the 
inland  waters  of  China  to  foreign  trade  and  the 
assurance  that  the  Yangtse  basin  should  not  be 
alienated  ;  and  many  very  valuable  railway 
concessions.  He  fought  consistently  for  "  the 
open  door,"  and  successfully  opposed  any  granting 
of  exclusive  or  differential  rights.  Lord  Salisbury, 
indeed,  "  redressed  the  partial  failure  of  his 
efforts  in  international  diplomacy  by  the  triumphs 
won,  in  spite  of  the  influence  of  powerful  rivals, 
in  the  field  of  commercial  concessions  and 
additional  trade  advantages."  ^  Moreover,  the 
signature  of  the  Anglo  -  Russian  agreement 
(April  28th,  1899)  marked  the  beginning  of  a 
better  understanding  with  Russia,  which  bore 
fruit  later. 

Of  the  success  of  the  Government's  Egyptian 
policy,  which  resulted  in  the  reconquest  of  the 
Sudan  and  the  extension  of  peaceful  civilisation 
to  that  unfortunate  province,  its  strongest 
opponents  can  now  entertain  no  doubt.  While 
strongly  approving  of  this  policy,  Lord  Salisbury 
told  Lord  Cranbrook  that  he  could  "  claim  no 
share  in  it  " — a  strange  admission  for  a  Prime 

1  Whates,  p.  164. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     297 

Minister  to  make.  He  added,  however,  that  it 
was  he  who  "  insisted  upon  the  employment  of 
Kitchener,  much  against  the  grain  of  the  great 
men  in  London."  ^  The  battle  of  Omdurman 
(September  2nd,  1898)  was  followed  by  the 
Fashoda  incident,  which  brought  France  and 
England  to  the  verge  of  war.  In  the  firm  attitude 
which  he  took  up  in  this  matter,  Lord  Salisbury 
received  the  support  of  the  whole  nation,  and  the 
tact  with  which  he  handled  the  delicate  situation 
provided  France  with  as  easy  a  way  of  retreat 
as  the  circumstances  allowed.  Finally,  an  agree- 
ment was  arrived  at  by  which  France  withdrew 
all  claims  to  the  Nile  Valle}^  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
by  the  Niger  Convention,  signed  in  June,  1898, 
but  not  ratified  during  the  Fashoda  dispute,  the 
boundaries  of  British  and  French  territories  in 
West  Africa  were  satisfactorily  settled.  The  way 
was  thus  paved  for  the  more  comprehensive 
agreement  with  France,  which  was  concluded 
by  Lord  Lansdowne  in  1904. 

Lord  Salisbury  had  thus  placed  to  his  credit 
another  fine  diplomatic  achievement.  War  was 
a  thing  hateful  to  him,  and  he  had  worked 
unceasingly  and  with  success  to  prevent  a  breach 
of  the  peace.  Thus,  when  the  Boer  war  broke 
out  in  October,  1899,  though  he  realised  that  it 
was  unavoidable  and  never  for  a  moment  doubted 
the  justice  of  our  cause,  it  came  to  him,  neverthe- 
less, as  a  grievous  blow.  In  the  actual  conduct 
of  the  dispute  with  Kruger,  he  was  not  directly 

^  Life  of  Lord  Cranhrook,  II.  368. 


298  THE   CECILS 

concerned,  but  he  cannot  avoid  some  share  of 
responsibihty  for  the  early  disasters  of  the  war. 
Had  he  exercised  a  stricter  supervision  over  his 
colleagues,  he  would  have  been  able  to  insist 
that  the  information  supplied  to  the  War  Office 
by  the  Intelligence  Department  and  from  other 
sources  was  not  ignored  and  that  adequate 
preparations  were  made.  But  when  once 
hostilities  broke  out  he  did  signal  service  to  the 
nation  by  making  it  clear  to  other  Powers  that 
no  intervention  would  be  allowed. 

To  this  public  anxiety  was  added  an  over- 
whelming private  sorrow — the  death  of  his  wife 
(November  20th,  1899).  To  Lady  Salisbury  he 
was  united  in  the  closest  bonds  of  affection  and 
comradeship.  He  gave  her  his  unreserved  con- 
fidence, and  looked  to  her  for  encouragement 
and  help  in  political  and  other  matters,  relying 
on  her  alert  intelligence,  her  keen  sense  of  humour, 
her  sound  common  sense  and  her  ability  to  see 
the  bright  side  of  things.  Though  little  known 
outside  a  select  circle,  she  was  the  object  of 
deepest  affection  to  her  friends  and  her  family, 
and  her  influence  on  all  who  were  admitted  to 
her  intimacy  is  known  to  have  been  extraordinary. 
How  much  Lord  Salisbury  himself  owed  to  her, 
politically,  was  shown  at  the  time  of  his  election 
as  leader  of  the  party  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
when  the  Duke  of  Richmond  said  to  him  :  "If 
Lady  Salisbury  were  the  Duchess  of  Richmond, 
you  would  never  have  been  leader."  ^ 

1  Life  of  Lord  Cranbrook,  II.  163. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     299 

In  the  summer  of  1900  the  Boxer  outbreak 
and  the  siege  of  the  legations  in  Pekin  necessi- 
tated a  revival  of  the  Concert  of  Europe  in  a 
new  sphere,  and  still  further  increased  the  work 
and  anxieties  of  the  Foreign  Secretary.  In 
September  the  Government  dissolved  Parliament, 
and  at  the  "  khaki  election,"  which  followed. 
Lord  Salisbury  secured  a  majority  of  134.  Had 
he  consulted  his  own  wishes,  he  would  now  have 
retired  from  public  life.  "  He  was  borne  down 
with  domestic  grief  and  physical  weakness  ;  and 
yet  he  felt  himself  unable  to  lay  down  his  burden 
lest  the  enemies  of  his  country  should  take  courage 
from  the  ministerial  and  electoral  difficulties 
that  might,  and  indeed  did,  follow  his  resignation. 
He  remained  at  his  post,  and  his  countrymen 
honoured  his  determination.  But  very  few  of 
them  knew  what  the  effort  was  costing  him,  and 
how  much  sorer  was  the  self-sacrifice  involved  in 
holding  office  in  1900  than  in  resigning  it  thirty- 
three  years  before."  ^ 

He  did,  however,  hand  over  the  direction  of 
the  Foreign  Office  to  Lord  Lansdowne,  taking 
himself   the   post   of   Lord   Privy   Seal.     But   he 

1  Lord  R.  Cecil  in  the  Monthly  Review,  October,  1903.  After  the 
election  of  1900,  the  Government  contained  so  many  members  and 
connections  of  the  Cecil  family  that  it  was  nicknamed  "  The  Hotel 
Cecil,  Unlimited  " — thus  recalling  the  "  Regnum  Caecilianum  "  of 
300  years  before.  In  addition  to  Viscount  Cranborne  (Under-Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs),  Mr.  A.  J.  Balfour  (First  Lord  of  the  Treasury),  and 
Mr.  Gerald  Balfour  (President  of  the  Board  of  Trade),  one  of  Lord 
Salisbury's  daughters  was  married  to  Lord  Selborne  (First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty),  and  one  of  his  nieces,  Mary  Beresford-Hope,  was  the  wife 
of  Mr.  J.  W.  Lowther,  then  Chairman  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  now 
Speaker. 


300  THE   CECILS 

maintained  a  special  interest  in  foreign  affairs, 
and  the  policy  which  resulted  in  the  Japanese 
Alliance  of  1902  was  approved  of,  and  controlled 
by  him. 

The  death  of  Queen  Victoria,  in  January,  1901, 
was  another  break  with  the  past,  and  to  few  of 
her  subjects  can  the  sense  of  personal  loss  have 
been  greater  than  to  Lord  Salisbury.  Following 
the  example  of  his  illustrious  ancestor,  this 
"  greater  Cecil  of  a  greater  Queen  "  served  his 
Sovereign  with  a  devotion  and  loyalty  which 
won  her  utmost  confidence  and  esteem.  Bishop 
Boyd-Carpenter  records  that  she  "  spoke  with 
admiration  of  Lord  Salisbury,  as  of  one  in  whom 
she  had  great  confidence.  The  impression  left 
on  my  mind  was  that  she  gave  him,  if  not  the 
highest,  an  equal  place  with  the  highest  among 
her  ministers."  He  adds  that  "  the  two  Prime 
Ministers  who  held  high  place  in  her  mind, 
were  Sir  Robert  Peel  and  Lord  Salisbury,"  and 
she  thought  the  latter  "  greater  than  Lord 
Beaconsfield."  ^ 

On  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  the  Boers 
(May  31st,  1902),  there  was  no  longer  any  valid 
reason  to  defer  his  retirement,  though,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  King  Edward's  unfortunate  illness, 
he  would  have  remained  Prime  Minister  until 
after  the  Coronation.  On  July  nth  he  placed 
his  resignation  in  the  hands  of  the  King,  who 
was  then  convalescent,  and  thus  ended  his  long 

1  Some  Pages  of  My  Life,  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  W.  Boyd-Carpenter,  late 
Bishop  of  Ripon. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     301 

premiership  of  nearly  fourteen  years.  He  was 
succeeded  as  Prime  Minister  by  Mr.  Balfour. 

For  many  years  his  health  had  been  gradually 
failing,  and  on  several  occasions  he  had  been 
obliged  to  go  abroad — to  Chateau  Cecil  at  Puys, 
near  Dieppe,  to  his  villa  at  Beaulieu,  to  Royat  or 
elsewhere — to  recoup,  leaving  the  conduct  of 
the  Foreign  Ofhce  to  Mr.  Balfour.  At  Whitsuntide, 
1903,  he  had  an  acute  attack  of  nephritis,  accom- 
panied by  heart  weakness,  from  which  he  never 
really  recovered,  and  on  August  22nd  his  death 
occurred  at  Hatfield.  There,  in  the  church  which 
contains  the  ashes  of  so  many  of  his  ancestors, 
he  lies  buried  by  the  side  of  his  wife. 

"  Never  was  a  life  more  complete,"  said  Lord 
Rosebery,^  summing  up  the  sentiments  of  the 
nation  with  his  usual  felicity.  "  We  can  speak 
of  him  without  a  feeling  of  regret.  Happy  those 
who  have  so  long  mixed  in  public  life  of  whom 
that  may  be  said." 

No  one  can  read  the  story  of  Lord  Salisbury's 
life,  or  study  his  character,  without  being  con- 
stantly reminded  of  his  great  ancestor.  Lord 
Burghley.  Intense  devotion  to  their  Queen, 
single-hearted  patriotism,  freedom  from  personal 
ambition,  Olympian  serenity  and  aloofness,  genuine 
piety,  strong  family  affection,  these  and  many 
other  characteristics  are  common  to  the  Eliza- 
bethan and  to  the  Victorian  statesman. 

Lord  Salisbury's  personal  reserve  and  hatred 

*  Speech  at  the  Oxford  Union,  November  14th,  1904. 


302  THE   CECILS 

of  publicity  removed  the  details  of  his  private 
life  from  the  region  of  public  comment,  and, 
until  the  able  pen  of  his  daughter  and  secretary 
gives  the  long  promised  biography  to  the  world, 
no  truly  adequate  account  of  the  man  is  possible. 
Yet  the  main  features  of  his  character  are  known. 
He  was,  above  all,  a  profoundly  religious  man, 
and  his  chaplain  has  testified,  "  without  any 
reservation  whatever,  that  his  life  was  a  conse- 
crated life.  Each  day,  whatever  the  pressure  of 
work  might  be,  he  was  to  be  seen  taking  part 
in  the  devotions  in  the  little  private  chapel, 
where  it  was  my  privilege  to  administer."  ^  Of 
the  depth  of  his  loyalty  to  the  Queen  we  have 
already  spoken,  and  to  these  two  qualities, 
forming  together  the  very  springs  of  his  nature, 
must  be  added  his  affection  for  his  home  and 
family. 

Like  Lord  Burghley,  he  made  few  intimate 
friends.  His  pleasure  lay  in  the  home  circle, 
and  he  was  never  happier  than  when  surrounded 
by  his  family.  It  was  his  greatest  delight  to 
gather  round  him  on  Sunday  evenings  as  many 
members  of  the  family  as  possible,  and  it  is  said 
that  he  was  never  seen  to  such  advantage  as 
on  those  occasions.^  It  was,  in  fact,  the  universal 
testimony  of  his  guests  that  he  was  seen  at  his 
best  in  his  own  home.  In  early  days,  soon  after 
his  accession  to  the  title.  Bishop  Wilberforce 
met    Gladstone    at    Hatfield,    and    they    agreed 

'  Report  of  Sermon  by  the  Rev.  E.  A.  Smith,  Times,  August  24,  1903. 
2  Speech  of  Lord  Rosebery,  November  14th,  1904. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     303 

that  they  "  never  saw  a  more  perfect  host." 
The  Bishop  also  gives  a  gHmpse  of  the  house  and 
its  inmates  :  "I  particularly  enjoyed  my  Hatfield 
visit,"  he  writes.^  "  The  house  is  perfect,  and 
the  park  very  striking  of  its  kind.  But  the 
great  pleasure  was  the  inmates,  as  hearty  and 
kind  as  possible,  and  he  full  of  high  patriotic 
views."  He  was  much  impressed  by  his  host's 
lofty  ideals — "  so  fair,  so  kind,  so  simple  and 
high-minded."  - 

An  extremely  shy  man.  Lord  Salisbury  went 
little  into  society,  and  though  he  and  his  wife 
did  their  duty  nobly,  and  successfully,  at  all  the 
great  gatherings  and  entertainments  necessitated 
by  his  position,  they  both  hated  functions  of  all 
kinds.  Both  of  them,  too,  despised  appearances, 
and  cared  nothing  for  such  things  as  fine  clothes  or 
smart  carriages,  though  they  could  assume  pomp 
when  necessary,  and  on  occasions  Lady  Salisbury 
might  be  seen  driving  about  the  county  in  a 
chariot  with  four  horses  and  outriders.  Lord 
Salisbury's  reserve  and  silence  made  him,  at  times, 
a  most  embarrassing  neighbour  at  a  public  dinner 
or  other  function,  for  he  had  no  small-talk,  and 
made  no  effort  to  maintain  any  general  conversa- 
tion. Yet,  when  he  was  at  ease  among  friends, 
his  conversational  powers  were  considerable. 
"  His  qualities  as  a  talker  are  not  familiarly 
known,"  wrote   Mr.  G.  W.  E.    Russell.'      "  He  is 


•  To  Sir  C.  Anderson,  November  26th,  1868. 

2  Life  of  Wilberforce,  July  i6th,  1872. 

3  Collections  and  Recollections,  ist  Series. 


304  THE   CECILS 

painfully  shy,  and  at  a  club  or  in  a  large  party 
undergoes  the  torments  of  the  lost,  yet  no  one 
can  listen,  even  casually,  to  his  conversation, 
without  appreciating  the  fine  manner,  full  both 
of  dignity  and  of  courtesy  :  the  utter  freedom 
from  pomposity,  formality,  or  self-assertion,  and 
the  agreeable  dash  of  genuine  cynicism  which 
modifies,  though  it  does  not  mask,  the  flavour  of 
his  fun." 

As  a  public  speaker,  he  was  impressive  and 
weighty,  and  was  capable  of  fine  flights  of 
eloquence.  But,  in  spite  of  the  literary  perfection 
of  his  style,  he  did  not  rise  to  the  first  rank  as 
an  orator,  despising  the  tricks  of  rhetoric,  and 
refusing  to  practise  the  arts  which  win  popular 
applause. 

He  had  an  immense  power  of  sustained  work, 
and  is  said  to  have  sat  at  his  desk  for  thirteen 
hours  out  of  twenty-four.  All  his  vast  corre- 
spondence was  written  by  his  own  hand,  and  as 
he  was  extremely  neat  and  methodical  in  his  ways, 
his  papers — the  bulk  of  which  is  enormous — 
were  kept  in  immaculate  order.  He  was  a  most 
considerate  landlord,  but  he  left  the  management 
of  his  estates  chiefly  to  his  wife.  Unlike  his 
father,  he  confessed  that  he  was  "  entirely 
ignorant  of  practical  agriculture,  and  was  hardly 
able  to  distinguish  a  turnip  from  a  cow."  His 
only  form  of  sport  was  rabbit  shooting  with 
ferrets,  at  which  he  was  proficient.  His  great 
hobby,  however,  was  science,  and  much  of  his 
leisure  was  spent  in  his  laboratory  at  Hatfield. 


T 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     305 

From  his  early  days  chemistry  fascinated  him  ; 
later  on  he  took  up  electricity,  and  when  electric 
light  was  installed  at  Hatfield  he  planned  and 
superintended  the  work,  of  which  he  was 
immensely  proud.  Of  his  article  on  photography, 
which  appeared  in  the  Quarterly  Review  (October, 
1864),  it  has  been  said  :  "  There  is  no  more  lucid 
account  of  the  chemistry  of  photography  extant. 
Even  at  this  distance  of  time,  it  may  be  read  in 
preference  to  many  a  modern  manual.  Full  of 
valuable  suggestion,  it  anticipates  not  a  few  of 
the  recent  artistic  and  scientific  achievements  of 
photography."  ^  In  1894  the  British  Association 
acknowledged  his  scientific  attainments  by  electing 
him  President,  and  he  delivered  a  thoughtful  and 
characteristic  address  on  "  Evolution." 

As  a  statesman  he  will  live  in  history  as  one 
of  the  greatest  of  the  foreign  ministers  of  Great 
Britain.  In  domestic  legislation  he  left  little 
mark.  For  he  did  not  share  the  strange  belief, 
which  grew  up  in  the  nineteenth  century  and 
persists,  in  spite  of  all  experience,  to  this  day, 
that  social  evils  can  be  remedied  by  revolutionary 
Acts  of  Parliament.  Such  reforms  as  "  commend 
themselves  to  sober  and  patriotic  opinion,  and 
leave  no  resentment  behind,"  he  was  always  willing 
and  anxious  to  further,  but  he  held  that  "  the 
proper  legislative  work  of  Parliament  was  to 
deal  with  matters  on  which  parties  do  not 
contend,"  and  that  "it  is  detained  from  its 
normal    labours    by    the    perpetual    intrusion    of 

^  Quarterly  Revieiv,  January,  1904,  p.  299. 
C.  X 


3o6  THE   CECILS 

revolutionary  projects."  He  laid  it  down  as 
the  central  doctrine  of  Conservatism  "  that  it  is 
better  to  endure  almost  any  political  evil  than 
to  risk  a  breach  of  the  historic  continuity  of 
government."  Inspired  by  such  principles,  it  was 
natural  that  he  should  oppose  Home  Rule  with 
relentless  energy,  and  the  nation  owes  him  a 
great  debt  of  gratitude  for  the  skill  and  tact 
with  which  he  succeeded  in  welding  the  Conserva- 
tives and  the  Liberal  Unionists  into  a  homogeneous 
party,  "  the  most  formidable  combination  for  the 
defence  of  constitutional  principles  and  social 
justice  known  to  modem  history."  ^ 

In  other  respects  the  domestic  record  of  his 
administrations  is  one  of  which  no  Prime  Minister 
need  be  ashamed,  but  the  supreme  value  of  his 
tenure  of  power  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  gave  to 
the  country  a  long  period  of  internal  peace  and 
prosperity  in  which  to  recover  from  (and  to 
prepare  for)  the  disturbance  and  unrest  inseparable 
from  the  advent  of  a  Radical  Government. 

It  is  generally  recognised  that  he  regarded 
Pitt  and  Castlereagh  as  models  upon  whom  he 
formed  his  own  principles.  That  he  learnt  much 
from  his  study  of  those  great  men  cannot  be 
doubted,  and  it  is  true  that  very  much  of  what 
he  wrote  of  them  may  be  applied  to  himself. 
Yet  it  is  a  striking  fact  that  the  very  qualities 
which  he  praises  in  them — the  cautious,  patient, 
unemotional  diplomacy,  the  "  calm,  cold  self- 
contained    temperament  "     of    Castlereagh,     the 

^  Quarterly  Review,  October,  1902,  p.  654. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF   SALISBURY     307 

"  pure  and  self-denying  patriotism,"  and  the 
lofty  morality  of  Pitt — were  also  the  distinguishing 
characteristics  of  Lord  Burghley.  Hereditary 
tendency  may,  therefore,  have  had  more  to  do 
with  the  development  of  his  character  than 
conscious  discipleship.  Moreover,  the  task  which 
he  successfully  accomplished  was  not  unlike  that 
which  had  confronted  his  ancestor.  For  it  was 
his  to  guide  the  nation  safely  through  a  period 
of  extreme  danger,  at  the  same  time  enormously 
increasing  her  prestige  and  extending  her  posses- 
sions. And  just  as  Burghley  was  compelled  to 
throw  cold  water  on  the  hot-heads,  whose  love 
of  adventure,  noble  in  itself,  could  not  fail  to 
bring  about  the  war  which  it  was  his  life-long 
labour  to  avoid  ;  so  when  the  Jingoes  clamoured 
for  reckless  action.  Lord  Salisbury  remained  cool 
and  imperturbable,  hearing,  no  doubt,  amid  the 
tumult,  ancestral  voices  prophesying  war.  As  he 
wrote  of  Castlereagh,  "  no  tinge  of  that  enthusiastic 
temper  which  leads  men  to  overhunt  a  beaten 
enemy,  to  drive  a  good  cause  to  excess,  to  swear 
allegiance  to  a  formula,  or  to  pursue  an  imprac- 
ticable ideal,  ever  threw  its  shadow  upon  his 
serene,  impassive  intelligence."  Like  Castlereagh, 
too — and  again  like  Lord  Burghley — "  he  had 
not  the  talents  that  captivate  the  imagination, 
or  the  warmth  of  sympathy  that  kindles  love. 
Men  felt  to  him  as  to  the  pilot  who  had  weathered 
an  appalling  storm,  the  physician  who  had 
mastered  a  terrible  malady.  They  recognised 
his  ability,  and  were  glad  in  a  moment  of  danger 

X  2 


3o8  THE   CECILS 

to  have  such  a  counsellor  at  hand  ;  but  they  do 
not  appear  to  have  been  drawn  to  him  by  the 
bonds  of  that  intense  personal  devotion  which 
has  united  so  many  great  statesmen  with  their 
political  supporters." 

But  if  he  did  not  evoke  the  enthusiasm  or  the 
love  of  the  public — and  he  made  no  effort  to  do 
so — he  inspired  complete  confidence.  The  nation 
felt  that  in  his  hands  the  honour  and  interests 
of  the  Empire  were  safe.  And  among  his 
colleagues  he  aroused  unwavering  loyalty  and 
esteem.  "  My  relations  with  Salisbury  are 
delightful,"  wrote  Lord  Lytton/  when  he  was 
Viceroy  of  India.  "  He  is  so  generous,  so  loyal, 
so  considerate  and  sympathising,  that  it  is  a 
real  privilege  to  work  with  him."  His  own 
loyalty  and  patriotism  were  so  intense,  his  aims 
so  pure,  his  disinterestedness  so  unassailable, 
that  he  set  a  noble  example  to  all  his  followers, 
and  we  may  truly  say  of  him,  as  he  said  of  Pitt : 
' '  the  lapse  of  years  only  brings  out  in  brighter 
lustre  the  grandeur  of  his  intellect  and  the  loftiness 
of  his  character." 

Lord  Salisbury  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest 
son,  James,  Viscount  Cranborne.  The  fourth 
Marquess  was  born  in  1861,  and  was  educated 
at  Eton  and  University  College,  Oxford.  He 
sat  in  Parliament,  first  for  the  Darwen  division 
(1885 — 1892),  and  afterwards  for  Rochester 
(1893 — 1903).     In    the    South    African  War   he 

1  Letters  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Lytton,  II.  32. 


THIRD   MARQUESS   OF  SALISBURY     309 

served  as  Lieut. -Colonel  of  the  4th  Battalion, 
Bedfordshire  Regiment,  and  was  mentioned  in 
despatches  and  made  C.B.  On  his  return  to 
England  he  was  appointed  Under-Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs  in  the  ministry  of  1900,  and  three 
years  later,  on  succeeding  to  the  title,  he  was 
sworn  of  the  Privy  Council  and  appointed  Lord 
Privy  Seal.  In  1905  he  acted  for  a  short  time  as 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  in  1909  was 
created  G.C.V.O.  He  married,  in  1887,  Lady  Cicely 
Alice  Gore,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Arran,  and  has 
two  sons  and  two  daughters,  the  elder  of  whom 
has  married  the  Hon.  W.  Ormsby-Gore,  M.P. 

The  third  Marquess  left  four  more  sons  and 
two  daughters,  of  whom  the  elder.  Lady  Beatrix 
Maud  Cecil,  is  now  the  Countess  of  Selborne, 
while  Lady  Gwendolen,  who  was  her  father's 
secretary  and  is  writing  his  life,  remains  unmarried. 
The  sons  are :  the  Rev.  Lord  William  Cecil  (born 
1863),  Rector  of  Hatfield  and  Rural  Dean  of 
Hertford ;  he  married  Lady  Florence  Bootle- 
Wilbraham,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Lathom, 
and  has  seven  children  :  Lord  Robert  Cecil 
(born  1864),  K.C.,  M.P.  for  Hitchin,  who  married 
Lady  Eleanor  Lambton,  daughter  of  the  Earl 
of  Durham  :  Colonel  Lord  Edward  Cecil  (born 
1867),  D.S.O.,  who  has  had  a  brilliant  career  in 
the  Army,  and  has  held  various  posts  in  the 
Egyptian  Government  ;  he  married  a  daughter 
of  Admiral  Maxse,  and  has  two  children  :  and 
Lord  Hugh  Cecil  (born  1869),  LL.D.,  M.P.  for 
Oxford  University,  unmarried. 


310  THE   CECILS 

Such  is  the  record  of  the  Cecils,  and  it  is  one 
of  which  any  family  may  be  proud.  For  though 
neither  branch  of  the  family  did  much  to  dis- 
tinguish itself  during  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries,  yet  to  have  produced  three 
such  statesmen  as  Lord  Burghley,  Robert,  Earl 
of  Salisbury,  and  the  third  Marquess  of  Salisbury'', 
is  to  have  deserved  well  of  the  nation.  And 
surely  never  were  such  men  and  the  ideals  they 
represent  more  needed  than  at  the  present  day. 
Our  English  tradition,  which  impels  the  heir  to 
a  great  name  to  devote  his  life  to  the  service  of 
his  country,  and  sets  ever  before  him  the  highest 
standard  of  conduct  both  in  public  and  private 
life,  is  an  asset  to  the  nation  of  incalculable  value. 
It  is  the  growth  of  centuries  ;  it  may  be  destroyed 
in  a  generation.  And  democracy  is  essentially 
destructive.  All  special  rights  and  privileges  are 
an  abomination  to  it,  and  the  accompanying  duties 
and  responsibilities  it  ignores  and  decries.  Nor 
does  it  stop  to  enquire  whether  such  privileges 
are,  on  the  whole,  good  or  bad  for  the  nation. 
It  is  enough  that  they  exist  ;  and  better  that 
the  whole  population  should  grovel  together  in 
the  ditch  than  that  any  of  its  members  should 
occupy  a  "  privileged "  position  on  the  bank, 
however  much  they  may  thereby  be  enabled  to 
help  their  less  fortunate  fellows.  Against  these 
forces  of  destruction  families  such  as  the  Cecils 
present  a  powerful  bulwark.  Staunch  upholders 
of  the  Church  and  the  Constitution ;  keenly 
interested,   as  landlords,   in  the  cultivation  and 


THIRD  MARQUESS  OF  SALISBURY     311 

maintenance  of  their  estates  and  the  welfare  of 
their  tenants  ;  patriots  whose  disinterestedness 
is  above  suspicion ;  above  all,  men  of  the  highest 
personal  integrity — can  the  nation  afford  to 
throw  away  their  willing  service  at  the  bidding 
of  those  to  whom  tradition  means  nothing  and 
the  "  hereditary  principle  "  is  a  mere  anachronism  ? 
As  far  as  the  Cecil  family  is  concerned,  its 
energies  are  far  from  exhausted.  There  is  cer- 
tainly plenty  of  talent  left,  and  with  the  fine 
traditions  of  public  service  to  inspire  them,  it 
is  not  unreasonable  to  hope  that  Cecils  may  yet 
arise  whose  achievements  will  equal,  if  they  do 
not  eclipse,  those  of  their  great  ancestors. 


APPENDIX 

THE   MANUSCRIPTS   AT   HATFIELD 

The  following  account  of  the  origin  and  contents  of 
the  famous  Hatfield  MSS. ,  which  have  provided  so  much 
material  for  the  foregoing  pages,  is  condensed  in  the 
main  from  the  Introduction  to  the  first  volume  of  the 
Calendar  of  the  Manuscripts  of  the  Most  Hon.  the  Marquis 
of  Salisbury,  K.G.,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  preserved  at  Hatfield 
House,  Hertfordshire,  published  for  the  Historical  MSS. 
Commission  (1883). 

In  early  times,  before  the  State  Paper  Office  was 
established  in  1578,  each  of  the  principal  Secretaries  of 
State,  of  whom  there  were  always  two,  and  sometimes 
three,  had  the  custody  of  the  documents  and  correspon- 
dence which  passed  through  his  hands,  and  their  future 
destination  depended  in  great  measure  "  upon  accident, 
upon  the  care  or  negligence  of  the  individual  or  of  his 
clerks,  and  above  all,  upon  the  good  or  evil  fate  which 
awaited  the  Secretary  when  he  resigned  his  Seals."  It 
was  thus  a  mere  chance  whether  the  documents  were 
preserved  intact,  or  whether,  as  frequently  happened,  they 
were  dispersed  or  destroyed. 

Robert  Cecil,  the  first  Earl  of  Salisbury,  made  an  effort 
to  collect  all  his  father's  papers  and  others  in  his  care, 
and  place  them  together  in  an  official  library  at  Whitehall. 
On  his  death  in  1612  a  warrant  was  issued  directing  all 
his  papers  to  be  delivered  to  the  Keepers  of  the  Records, 
who  had  been  appointed  two  years  before  to  take  charge 
of  "  Papers  and  Records  concerning  matters  of  State 
and  Council."     One  of  these  Keepers,  Thomas  Wilson, 


314  APPENDIX 

in  a  memorial  made  about  the  year  1613,  stated  that 
there  were  then  two  sorts  of  papers  in  the  State  Paper 
Office,  "  those  that  have  been  long  kept  at  Whitehall, 
and  those  brought  from  Salisbury  House  by  himself 
since  the  Lord  Treasurer's  decease,  which  were  far  the 
greater  in  number."  In  spite  of  this  transfer,  however, 
a  large  quantity  of  papers  must  have  been  retained 
by  the  secretaries  of  the  late  Lord  Treasurer  ;  and  of 
these  one  portion  is  preserved  at  Hatfield,  while  the 
other  forms  the  most  important  part  of  the  Lansdowne 
MSS.  at  the  British  Museum. 

The  collection  at  Hatfield,  which  was  pronounced  by 
Mr.  Brewer  to  be  "  perhaps  the  largest,  certainly  the  most 
valuable,  of  any  private  collection  in  this  kingdom," 
consists  of  upwards  of  30,000  documents,  the  great 
majority  of  which  are  bound  up  in  210  large  volumes. 
Many  of  these  papers  have  been  discovered  in  recent 
times  through  researches  instituted  by  the  second 
Marquess  of  Salisbury,  and  also  by  the  late  Marquess. 
The  documents  may  be  divided  into  two  classes,  the 
first  of  which  comprises  grants  from  the  Crown,  Privy 
Seals,  and  other  Records  of  a  strictly  legal  character, 
together  with  various  illuminated  manuscripts,  theological 
treatises,  rolls  of  genealogy,  common-place  books,  plans, 
charts,  etc.  The  second  consists  of  manuscripts  of  a 
more  directly  historical  nature,  as  State  Papers,  treaties, 
despatches,  correspondence  of  public  personages,  and 
political  memoranda.  The  Commissioners  on  Historical 
Manuscripts  have  expressed  an  opinion  that  the  value 
and  extent  of  the  correspondence,  "  to  which  every 
person  of  any  note  at  the  time  contributed,  may  be 
judged  from  the  fact,  that  scarcely  a  day  passes  in  any 
year  from  the  accession  of  Edward  VI.  to  the  close  of 
the  century  [and  for  many  years  beyond],  which  does  not 
produce  one  or  more  letters  connected  with  passing 
events,  and  generally  from  those  whose  rank  and  position 


APPENDIX  315 

enabled  them  to  furnish  the  most  correct  and  authentic 
intelhgence.  In  these  papers  the  history  of  the  times 
writes  itself  off  from  day  to  day,  and  almost  from  hour 
to  hour,  with  the  minuteness  of  a  daily  journal,  but  with 
a  precision  to  which  no  ordinary  journal  could  make 
any  pretence." 

Lord  Burghley's  papers  illustrate  the  times  from  the 
beginning  of  his  ministry,  on  the  accession  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  to  his  death  in  1598.  Those  of  his  son.  Sir 
Robert  Cecil,  first  Earl  of  Salisbury,  which  are  even 
more  voluminous  than  his  father's,  continue  the  record 
to  the  date  of  his  death  in  1612.  The  papers  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  and  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  are  also  among  the 
manuscripts  at  Hatfield. 

Two  large  volumes  of  selections  from  these  documents 
were  published  in  the  eighteenth  century  :  the  first 
(1542 — 1570)  edited  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Haynes  and 
published  in  1740  ;  and  the  second  (1571 — 1596)  edited 
by  the  Rev.  W.  Murdin  and  published  in  1759.  In  these 
volumes  the  documents  given  are  printed  in  extenso, 
but  they  have  been  superseded  for  most  purposes  by  the 
Calendars  issued  by  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Com- 
mission. Of  these  twelve  have  now  been  published, 
containing  resumes  of  papers  up  to  the  year  1602.  Many 
historians  have  had  access  to  the  later  papers,  the  most 
important  for  the  purpose  of  the  present  volume  being 
Professor  Gardiner,  Mr.  Edwards  for  his  Life  of  Raleigh, 
Professor  Brewer  for  his  article  on  "  Hatfield  House," 
so  often  quoted,  and  Mr.  Dalton  for  his  Life  of  Viscount 
Wimbledon. 

The  papers  of  the  late  Marquess  of  Salisbury  at  Hatfield 
are  said  to  rival  in  interest  and  importance  those  of 
Lord  Burghley  and  his  son,  but  at  present  they  are  not 
accessible  to  the  public. 


INDEX 


Alderson,  Georgina  Caroline,  Marchioness  of  Salisbury,  248,  298 

Alen9on,  Duke  of,  91 

Alington,  Sir  Giles,  loi  note 

Allington,  Hugh,  7,  14 

AUt  yr  Ynys,  the  Cecils  of,  2,  4 — 6 

Armada,  the,  defeated,  68 

Armenian  massacres,  292 

Ascham,  Roger,  16,  20 

Anjou,  Duke  of,  60 

Bacon,  Anthony,  70,  154,  156,  157,  158,  161 

Bacon,  Francis,  16,  20,  70,  153,  154,  155,  156,  158,  191,  214,  215 

Bacon,  Sir  Nicholas,  16,  20 

Bacon,  Lady  (Anne  Cooke),  20,  30 

Balfour,  Arthur  James,  243,  280,  285,  286,  291,  299  note,  301 

Balfour,  Lady  Blanche,  243,  245 

Balfour,  Gerald,  291,  299  note 

Bismarck,  Prince,  272,  288 

Beaconsfield,  Lord.     See  Disraeli. 

Beresford-Hope,  Alexander,  244  note,  249 

Beresford-Hope,  Lady  Mildred,  243,  244,  245 

Beresford-Hope,  Mary  (Mrs.  Lowther),  299 

Bennet,  Annabella,  Countess  of  Exeter,  137 

Bennet,  Frances,  Countess  of  Salisbury,  230 

Berkshire,  Thomas  Howard,  Earl  of,  123 

Berlin,  Congress  and  Treaty  of,  270 — 274 

Berwick,  Treaty  of,  222 

Bodleian  Library,  161 

Bodley,  Sir  Thomas,  160,  218 

Boer  War,  297,  298 

Bootle-Wilbraham,  Lady  Florence  (Lady  William  Cecil),  309 

Borough,  Sir  John,  150 

Boxer  outbreak,  299 

British  East  Africa  Company,  288 

British  South  Africa  Company,  289 

Brooke,  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  166 

Brown,  "  Capability,"  55 

Browne,  Edmund,  10  note 

Brownists,  the,  10  note,  70 

Brownlow,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Exeter,  137 

Brydges,  Frances,  Countess  of  Exeter,   100,  102  note,  124  note, 

128,  129 
Buckingham,  Duke  of,  loi,  108,  112 — 115,  118,  119,  123,  227 


3i8  INDEX 

Burghley,  Lord.     See  Cecil,  William. 

Burghley,  manor  of,  lo 

Burghley  House,  33—35,  40.  53—55.  93.  131— 133,  I35.  136,  138, 

143 
Bye  Plot,  the,  179 

Cadiz  Expedition  (1596),  161 

Cadiz  Expedition  (1625),  112 — 119 

Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  107,  109,  no 

Carnarvon,  Lord,  255,  282 

Castlereagh,  Lord,  306,  307 

Cavendish,  Anne,  Lady  Rich,  Countess  of  Exeter,  133 

Cecil   family,  pedigrees  and  early  history,   i  sqq.  ;   arms,   4,    5  ; 

crests,  10  and  note 
Cecil,  Algernon  (son  of  the  second  Earl  of  Salisbury),  226 
Cecil,  Ann,  Countess  of  Oxford,  43,  57 — 59,  69 
Cecil,  Anne,  Countess  of  Stamford,  123 
Cecil,  Anne,  Countess  of  Northumberland,  226 
Cecil,  Lady  Beatrix  Maud,  Countess  of  Selborne,  267,  299  note, 

309 

Cecil,  Lady  Blanche  (Balfour),  243 

Cecil,  Brownlow,  eighth  Earl  of  Exeter,  137,  138 

Cecil,  Brownlow,  ninth  Earl  of  Exeter,  138 

Cecil,  Brownlow,  second  Marquess  of  Exeter,  141 — 143 

Cecil,  Brownlow,  fourth  Marquess  of  Exeter,  144 

Cecil,  Catherine,  Countess  of  Leicester,  227 

Cecil,  Charles,  Viscount  Cranborne  (son  of  the  second  Earl  of 
Salisbury),  221,  226,  227 

Cecil,  Charles  (son  of  the  third  Earl  of  Salisbury),  231,  232 

Cecil,  David,  of  Stamford,  i,  2,  5,  7 — 12 

Cecil,  David,  third  Earl  of  Exeter,  103  note,  131 

Cecil,  Diana,  Countess  of  Oxford,  no  yiote,  123 

Cecil,  Dorothy,  Lady  Alington,  loi  note 

Cecil,  General  Sir  Edward,  Viscount  Wimbledon,  93,  94,  210,  217, 
220  ;  serves  in  the  Low  Countries,  103 — 105,  107,  no,  119, 
120;  his  first  marriage,  105  ;  at  the  siege  of  Juliers,  106; 
his  second  marriage,  107  ;  quarrels  with  Baron  Dohna,  108, 
109;  commands  the  expedition  to  Cadiz,  112 — 119;  created 
Viscount  Wimbledon,  115,  119  ;  appointed  Governor  of 
Portsmouth,  119  ;    his  death,  120 

Cecil,  Lord  Edward,  309 

Cecil,  Elizabeth,  (daughter  of  Lord  Burghley),  56,  63 

Cecil,  Elizabeth,  Lady  Hatton,  afterwards  Lady  Coke,  loi,  217 

Cecil,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Berkshire,  123 

Cecil,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Devonshire,  133,  226 

Cecil,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Orrery,  137 

Cecil,  Lady  Emily,  Marchioness  of  Westmeath,  240 

Cecil,  Lieut. -Colonel  Lord  Eustace,  245 

Cecil,  Frances,  Countess  of  Shaftesbury,  131 

Cecil,  Frances,  Countess  of  Cumberland,  166 

Cecil,  Frances,  Lady  Scudamore,  133,  134 

Cecil,  Lady  Georgiana,  Lady  Cowley,  141  note,  240 

Cecilj  Lady  Gwendolen,  309 


INDEX  319 

Cecil,  Henry,  tenth  Earl  and  first  Marquess  of  Exeter,  138 — 141 

Cecil,  Lord  Hugh,  309 

Cecil,  James,  third  Earl  of  Salisbury,  227 — 230 

Cecil,  James,  fourth  Earl  of  Salisbury,  230 — 232 

Cecil,  James,  fifth  Earl  of  Salisbury,  233 

Cecil,  James,  sixth  Earl  of  Salisbury,  233,  234 

Cecil,    James,    seventh   Earl   and   first   Marquess   of   Salisbury, 

235—237 

Cecil,  James  Gascoyne-,  second  Marquess  of  Salisbury,  240 — 245, 
.  249,  259 

Cecil,  James,  Viscount  Cranborne,  245,  246,  254 

Cecil,  James,  fourth  Marquess  of  Salisbury,  267,  299  7iote,  308,  309 

Cecil,  Jane  (mother  of  Lord  Burghley),  10  note,  13,  33,  34,  53,  54, 
69 

Cecil,  John,  fourth  Earl  of  Exeter,  131 

Cecil,  John,  fifth  Earl  of  Exeter,  54,  135—137 

Cecil,  John,  sixth  Earl  of  Exeter,  137 

Cecil,  John,  seventh  Earl  of  Exeter,  137 

Cecil,  Lord  John  Joicey-,  144,  145 

Cecil,  Lucy,  Marchioness  of  Winchester,  93,  105,  217 

Cecil,  Lady  Mildred  (Beresford-Hope),  243,  244,  245 

Cecil,  Richard  (father  of  Lord  Burghley),  10 — 13,  69  note 

Cecil,  Sir  Richard,  of  Wakerley,  93,  103 

Cecil,  Sir  Robert,  first  Earl  of  Salisbury,  6,  11  note,  43,  70,  78,  92, 
122,  125  ;  Burghley's  last  letters  to  him,  71 — 73  ;  relations 
with  his  brother,  94,  95  ;  helps  his  nephew  Edward,  103 — 105  ; 
his  birth  and  early  life,  147,  148  ;  his  position  at  Court,  148, 
149  ;  Bacon's  opinion  of  him,  153,  154,  191,  214,  215, 
relations  with  the  Bacons,  154 — 158  ;  made  Secretary,  157, 
169  ;  relations  with  Essex,  158 — 166,  171  ;  his  marriage, 
166  ;  goes  on  a  mission  to  France,  169  ;  correspondence  with 
James,  171 — 176  ;  created  Earl  of  Salisbury,  177  ;  relations 
with  Raleigh,  179 — 184  ;  his  religious  policy,  184—188  ; 
his  work  as  Lord  Treasurer,  189 — 192  ;  his  foreign  policy, 
193  ;  accepts  a  pension  from  Spain,  193,  194  ;  his  incor- 
ruptibility, 194 — 196  ;  presents  received  by  him,  196 — 201  : 
his  personal  tastes,  198 — 202  ;  lampoons  on  him,  202,  203  ; 
entertains  the  King  at  Theobalds,  203 — 205  ;  exchanges 
Theobalds  for  Hatfield,  204 — 206  ;  rebuilds  Hatfield,  207, 
208  ;  his  last  illness  and  death,  209,  210  ;  his  confession  of 
faith,  211,  212;  slandered  after  his  death,  213,  214;  his 
character,  215 — 218 

Cecil,  Robert  (son  of  the  second  Earl  of  Salisbury),  226 

Cecil,  Lord  Robert,  283,  284,  292 

Cecil,  Robert  Arthur  Talbot  Gascoyne-,  third  Marquess  of  Salis- 
bury ;  his  birth  and  education,  247  ;  early  years  in  Parlia- 
ment, 247  sqq.  ;  his  marriage,  248,  249  ;  his  contributions  to 
the  Quarterly  Review,  249,  250,  251,  255,  257,  275,  305  ;  his 
views  on  Reform,  250,  251,  254,  255  ;  his  contests  with 
Gladstone,  251 — 255  ;  appointed  Secretary  for  India,  255, 
resigns,  255,  256  ;  succeeds  to  the  title,  259  ;  his  action 
towards  the  Irish  Church  Disestablishment  Bill,  260,  261  ; 
Chancellor  of  Oxford  University,  262  ;    again  Secretary  for 


320  INDEX 

India,  263,  264  ;  his  views  on  the  Church,  264  ;  his  relations 
with  DisraeU,  264 — 266  ;  at  the  Conference  of  Constantinople 
267,  268  ;  Gladstone's  opinion  of  him,  267,  278,  281  ;  his 
relations  with  Lord  Derby,  269,  270  ;  Foreign  Secretary, 
270  ;  at  the  Berlin  Congress,  270 — 273  ;  succeeds  Beacons- 
field  as  leader  in  the  Lords,  274  ;    on  Home  Rule,  276,  277, 

282,  283  ;    Prime  Minister,  279  ;    his  "  blazing  indiscretions," 

283,  284  ;  his  second  administration,  285 — 290  ;  his  third 
administration,  290 — 299  ;  defects  of  his  ministry,  291,  292  ; 
death  of  his  wife,  298  ;  his  fourth  administration,  299,  300  ; 
resigns,  300  ;  his  death,  301  ;  compared  with  Lord  Burghley, 
301,  302,  307  ;  personal  characteristics,  301 — 305  ;  his  place 
as  a  statesman,  305 — 30S 

Cecil,  Sophia,  wife  of  Henry  Pierrepont,  141  note 
Cecil,  Sir  Thomas,  first  Earl  of  Exeter,  7,  20,  43,  44,  78,  121  ;   his 
birth,   79  ;    his  adventures  on  the  Continent,  80 — 88  ;    his 
marriage,  89  ;   appointed  Governor  of  the  Brill,  92  ;   relations 
with  his  brother,  94,  95  ;    succeeds  as  Lord  Burghley,  96  ; 
appointed   President   of   the   North,    97 ;     created   Earl   of 
Exeter,  100  ;    his  last  years  and  death,  100—102 
Cecil,  Thomas  Chambers,  138 
Cecil,  Lady  Victoria,  143 

Cecil,  William,  second  Earl  of  Exeter,  93,  107,  121 — 123 
Cecil,  William,  Lord  Roos,  100,  loi,  122,  124 — 130 
Cecil,  William,    second   Earl   of   Salisbury,   166,   180,  210,   212, 

219 — 225 
Cecil,  William,  of  Tewin  (son  of  the  second  Earl  of  Salisbury),  226 
Cecil,  William  (son  of  the  third  Earl  of  Salisbury),  231 
Cecil,  Colonel  Lord  William,  144 
Cecil,  Rev.  Lord  William,  309 

Cecil,  William  Alleyne,  third  Marquess  of  Exeter,  143,  144 
Cecil,  William  Thomas  Brownlow,  fifth  Marquess  of  Exeter,  54, 

55  and  note,  145 
Cecil,  William,  Lord  Burghley,  4 — 7,  9,  11,  13,  14,  122,  146,  152, 
160,  169,  172  ;  his  interest  in  genealogy  and  heraldry,  i,  18  ; 
birth  and  education,  15,  16  ;  his  first  marriage,  17  ;  advance- 
ment at  Court,  19,  21  ;  second  marriage,  20  ;  in  favour  with 
Somerset,  21 — 23  ;  appointed  Secretary  of  State,  24  ;  his 
behaviour  to  Somerset,  24—26  ;  evades  responsibility  for 
Northumberland's  plot,  29  ;  his  bad  health,  28,  55  ;  his 
position  during  Mary's  reign,  30 — 32  ;  his  attitude  to 
religious  questions,  31,  70,  71  ;  his  relations  with  Elizabeth, 
32,  33  ;  receives  grants  of  land,  33  ;  enlarges  Burghley 
House,  33 — 35,  40,  53 — 55  ;  Secretary  of  State  under 
Elizabeth,  36  ;  his  share  in  the  religious  settlement  of  1559, 
37  ;  negotiates  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh,  38  ;  made  Master 
of  the  Court  of  Wards,  38,  39  ;  enlarges  Cecil  House,  40  ; 
builds  Theobalds,  40 — 43  ;  his  children,  43  ;  plots  against 
him,  44,  45,  49,  50,  64  ;  authorised  use  of  torture,  47,  48  ; 
his  magnanimity  to  opponents,  48  ;  created  Lord  Burghley, 
51  ;  made  Lord  Treasurer,  52  ;  his  expenses,  52,  53  ;  meets 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots  at  Buxton,  55,  56  ;  marriage  of  his 
daughter  to  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  57 — 59  ;   his  encouragement 


INDEX  321 

of  trade,  61  ;  his  treatment  of  Drake,  61 — 63  ;  his  disgrace 
after  the  death  of  Mary,  66,  67  ;  death  of  his  wife,  69  ;  last 
letters  to  his  son,  71 — 73  ;  his  death,  73  ;  EUzabeth's  affection 
for  him,  74  ;  his  policy  and  its  results,  75,  76  ;  personal 
characteristics,  76,  77  ;  his  property  and  will,  78  ;  relations 
with  his  son  Thomas,  79 — 89,  97  ;  compared  with  the  late 
Lord  Salisbury,  301,  302,  307 

Cecil  House,  40,  120  note 

Ceciles,  the,  of  Burgundy,  4 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  291 

Charles  I.,  112,  222,  223,  224,  225 

Charles  II.,  228,  229 

Cheke,  Sir  John,  16,  17,  21,  24,  31 

Cheke,  Mary,  wife  of  William  Cecil,  17,  20 

Chelmsford,  Lord,  244,  245 

Christian  IV.,  King  of  Denmark,  203,  204 

Churchill,  Lord  Randolph,  279,  285 

Cleveland,  President,  294 

Cobham,  Lord,  166,  179,  180 

Coke,  Sir  Edward,  loi,  155,  181 

Coningsby,  Thomas,  Lord,  134,  135 

Constantinople,  Conference  of,  267,  268 

Conway,  Lord,  226 

Cooke,  Sir  Anthony,  20,  21,  31,  43 

Cooke,  Mildred,  wife  of  Wilham  Cecil,  20,  21,  43,  69 

Cope,  Sir  Walter,  183,  194,  212,  216 

Cottington,  Lord,  221,  222 

Cranborne,  manor  of,  177  note 

Cranborne,  Viscounts.     See  Cecil. 

Cranbrook,  Lord  (Gathome  Hardy),  280,  296 

Crete,  293 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  131 — 133 

Cumberland,  Henry  Clifford,  Earl  of,  166 

Cyssell.     See  Cecil. 

Davison,  William,  66,  160,  172 

De  la  Hay,  Paul,  5,  6 

Delany,  Mrs.,  233,  234 

Derby,  fourteenth  Earl  of,  245,  255,  256,  262 

Derby,  fifteenth  Earl  of,  246,  269 

Derby,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of,  150 

De  Ros,  Lord.     See  Roos. 

De  Spes,  Guerau,  49,  50 

Devonshire,  William,  third  Earl  of,  227 

Devonshire,  Duke  of,  285,  291 

Devonshire,  Georgiana,  Duchess  of,  235,  236 

Dicons,  Alice,  9 

Disraeli,  Benjamin  (Lord  Beaconsfield),  143,  242,  244,  253,  255, 

256,  263,  264,  266,  273,  274,  300 
Dohna,  Baron,  108,  109 
Dolci,  Carlo,  135 
Dorset,  Earl  of,  189,  213,  218 
,  Doughty,  Thomas,  63 

C.  Y 


322  INDEX 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  6i — 63 

Drury,  Diana,  second  wife  of  Sir  Edward  Cecil,  107 

Drury,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Exeter,  123,  124,  133 

Dryden,  John,  123  note 

Dudley,  Lord  Guilford,  27 

Dudley,  Lord  Robert.     See  Leicester,  Earl  of. 

Edinburgh,  Treaty  of,  38 

Edward  VII.,  300 

Egerton,  Ehzabeth,  Countess  of  Exeter,  124  note,  131 

Egerton,  Sir  Thomas,  162 

Elector  Palatine,  the,  107 — 109 

Elgin,  Thomas  Bruce,  Earl  of,  123 

Ehzabeth,  Queen,  32,  33,  36,  40,  41,  47,  52,  60,  66,  67,  74,  91,  97, 

147 — 150,  152,  155,  156,  172 — 176,  178,  206,  207 
Elizabeth,  Princess,  daughter  of  James  I.,  107 
Essex,  Robert  Devereux,  second  Earl  of,  56  note,  70,  98,  114,  119, 

154.  155.  158—165,  169,  171 
Essex,  Walter  Devereux,  first  Earl  of,  56  note 
Essex,  Countess  of  (Frances  Walsingham),  162,  217 
Essex,  Countess  of  (Frances  Howard),  219 
Evelyn,  John,  208 
Exeter,  Earls  and  Marquesses  of.     See  Cecil. 

Fakenham,  Sir  WilUam,  2 

Fane,  Mary,  Countess  of  Exeter,  133 

Fashoda  incident,  the,  297     ^ 

Felton,  John,  47 

Fox,  Charles  James,  235,  236 

France,  agreement  with  (1890),  289  ;  the  Fashoda  incident,  297 ; 

agreement  with  (1904),  297 
Franchise  Bill  (1884),  277 

Gascoyne,  Frances  Mary,  Marchioness  of  Salisbury,  241 — 243 

Gascoyne-Cecil.     See  Cecil. 

George  III.,  235 

Germany,  agreement  with  (1890),  288  ;    and  the  Jameson  Raid, 

294  ;   in  China,  295 
Gibbons,  Grinling,  135 
Giordano,  Luca,  135 
Gladstone,  W.  E.,  247,  248,  251—255,  259,  263,  266,  267,  274, 

275,  277 — 279,  281,  290,  302 
Gondomar,  Count,  128 
Gordon,  General,  279 

Gore,  Lady  Cicely  Alice,  Marchioness  of  Salisbury,  309 
Goschen,  G.  J.  (afterwards  Lord),  285,  291 
Grand  Almonership,  the,  54,  90  note 
Granville,  Lord,  281,  288 
Gray,  Master  of,  172,  173 
Gresham,  Sir  Thomas,  87 
Grey,  Lady  Jane,  20,  27 
Gunpowder  Plot,  the,  185 


INDEX  323 

Hamilton,  Elizabeth,  Duchess  of,  Marchioness  of  Exeter,  141 

Hampton  Court  Conference,  187 

Harington,  Sir  John,  178,  203,  204 

Hartington,  Lord.     See  Devonshire,  Duke  of. 

Hatfield  House,  204,  206 — 209,  234,  242,  302,  303,  305 

Hatton,  Sir  Christopher,  34,  67 

Hatton,  Frances,  Lady  Purbeck,  loi 

Hatton,  Sir  William,  loi 

Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty,  295 

Heckington,  Jane.     See  Cecil,  Jane. 

Heligoland,  288,  289 

Heneage,  Sir  Thomas,  95 

Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  100,  106,  107,  220 

Hertford,  Earl  of.     See  Somerset. 

Hicks-Beach,  Sir  Michael  (Lord  St.  Aldwyn),  280,  286,  291 

Hill,  Mary  Amelia,  Marchioness  of  Salisbury,  235 — 240 

Hobart,  Sir  John,  99 

Hoby,  Sir  Thomas,  20 

Hoby,  Lady  (Elizabeth  Cooke),  20,  48 

Hoggins,  Sarah,  Countess  of  Exeter,  140,  141 

Home  Rule,  276,  277,  282,  283  ;    Bills,  283,  285,  290 

Hong-Kong,  296 

Housing  of  the  Working  Classes  Bill,  281 

Howard,  Catherine,  Countess  of  Salisbury,  218,  220 

Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord,  167 

India,  255,  263,  264 

Irish  Church  Suspensory  Bill,  259,  260  ;   Disestablishment  Bill, 

260,  261  ;    Land  Acts,  275,  287  ;    Local  Government  Act, 

291 

James   I.,   99,    102,    108 — no,    112,    115,    128 — 130,    171 — 179, 

184 — 193,  195,  196,  203—206,  214,  215,  221,  222 
James  II.  (Duke  of  York),  228,  229,  232 
Jameson  Raid,  294 
Japan,  alliance  with,  300 
Joicey-Cecil.     See  Cecil. 
Jonson,  Ben,  205,  216 
Juliers,  siege  of,  106 

Keet,  EUzabeth,  Countess  of  Salisbury,  233,  234 

Kiao  Chau,  295 

Kimberley,  Lord,  292 

Kitchener,  Lord,  297 

Kneller,  Sir  Godfrey,  136 

Knollys,  Sir  William,  165 

Laguerre,  Louis,  135 

Lake,  Elizabeth  (Lady  Roos),  127 — 130 

Lake,  Sir  Thomas  and  Lady,  127- — 130 

Lambton,  Lady  Eleanor  (Lady  Robert  Cecil),  309 

Lansdowne,  Lord,  297,  299 

Latimer,  John  Neville,  Lord,  89 


324  INDEX 

Leicester,  Philip  Sidney,  third  Earl  of,  227 

Leicester,  Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of,  38,  45,  56,  57,  60,  62,  63,  68,  92, 

172 
Lely,  Sir  Peter,  136 
Life  Peerage  Bills,  261,  262 
Lorkin,  Rev.  Thomas,  126 
Lowther,  J.  W.,  299 
Lyminge,  Robert,  207 
Lytton,  Robert,  Lord,  256,  274,  308 

Manners,  Elizabeth,  Lady  Roos,  Countess  of  Exeter,  121,  122 

Manners,  Frances,  Countess  of  Exeter,  124  note,  133 

Manners,  Margaret,  Countess  of  Salisbury,  230 

Mary,  Queen,  30 — 32,  36 

Mary  Stuart,  37,  44 — 47,  49,  55,  66,  80,  172 

Mather,  Edmund,  50 

Maurice,  Prince,  105,  106 

Maxse,  Violet  (Lady  Edward  Cecil),  309 

Maxwell,  Diana  (Lady  Cranbome),  226 

Medici,  Duke  Ferdinand  de',  103 

Molle,  John,  125 

Morley,  Lord,  282 

Nassau,  Count  Ernest  of,  107 

Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  109,  147,  148,  221,  222 

Neville,  Dorothy,  Countess  of  Exeter,  89,  100 

Neville,  Sir  Henry,  189,  217 

Nieuport,  battle  of,  104 

Noel,  Theodosia,  wife  of  Sir  Edward  Cecil,  105,  107 

Norden,  John,  77 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  45,  46,  48,  49,  51 

Northbrook,  Lord,  263 

Northcote,  Sir  Stafford  (Earl  of  Iddesleigh),  269,  274,  277,  279, 

280,  285,  286,  288 
Northumberland,  John  Dudley,  Earl  of  Warwick,  Duke  of,  23,  24, 

27,  29,  30 
Northumberland,  Sir  Henry  Percy,  eighth  Earl  of,  89 
Northumberland,  Henry,  ninth  Earl  of,  197 
Northumberland,  Algernon,  tenth  Earl  of,  226 

O'Neill,  Conn,  19,  20 

Orde-Powlett,  Myra  Rowena  Sibell,  Marchioness  of  Exeter,  145 

Orrery,  Charles  Boyle,  fourth  Earl  of,  137 

Orrery,  John  Boyle,  fifth  Earl  of,  137 

Oxford,  Edward  Vere,  seventeenth  Earl  of,  57 — 59 

Oxford,  Henry  Vere,  eighteenth  Earl  of,  no,  123 

Pakenham,  Georgina  Sophia,  Marchioness  of  Exeter,  144 

Palmerston,  Lord,  251,  252,  254 

Panama  Canal,  295 

Paper  Duties,  repeal  of,  251 — 253 

Parker,  Archbishop,  16 

Parliamentary  Proceedings  Bill,  261 


INDEX  325 

Parnell,  C.  S.,  282 

Pauncefote,  Sir  Julian  (afterwards  Lord),  295 

Peel,  General,  248,  255 

Penjdeh  incident,  the,  281 

Pepys,  Samuel,  208,  209,  225 

Percy,  Sir  Henry.     See  Northumberland,  Earl  of. 

Perrot,  Sir  John,  in,  112 

Peterborough,  Earl  of,  230,  231 

Philip  III.  of  Spain,  126,  127 

Philipp,  Sir  David,  7,  9 

Philopatris,  11 

Pitt,  William,  306,  307 

Port  Arthur,  295,  296 

Portugal,  Convention  with  (1890),  289,  290 

Poyntz,  Isabella,  Marchioness  of  Exeter,  142 

Prior,  Matthew,  136 

Puckering,  Sir  Thomas,  126 

Purbeck,  Viscount,  10 1 

Quarterly  Review,  the,  249 — 251,  255,  257,  275,  305 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  150 — 152,  166,  167,  179 — 184 
Raleigh,  Lady,  181,  182 
Redgrave,  Richard,  244,  245 

Reform  and  Reform  Bills,  250,  251,  254 — 257,  261 
Rich,  Anne,  Lady,  Countess  of  Exeter,  133,  136 
Richmond,  Duke  of,  298 
Ridolfi  Plot,  the,  49 
Robsart,  Amy,  38 

Rochester,  Robert  Carr,  Viscount,  189 
Roos,  Lord.     See  Cecil. 

Roos,  Elizabeth  Manners,  Lady,  Countess  of  Exeter,  121,  122 
Roos,  Joan,  9 
Rosebery,  Lord,  290,  301 
Ross,  Bishop  of,  51 

Russell,  Lord  John  (afterwards  Earl),  251,  254,  261 
Russell,  John,  Lord,  20 

Russell,  Lady  (Elizabeth  Cooke),  20,  156,  157,  168,  217 
Russia,  war  with  Turkey,  268  ;   in  the  Far  East,  295,  296  ;   agree- 
ment with  (1899),  296 
Rutland,  Edward,  third  Earl  of,  121 
Rutland,  John,  fourth  Earl  of,  125  note 

Salisbury,  Earls  and  Marquesses  of.     See  Cecil. 

Salisbury  Circular,  the,  270 

Salisbury  House,  242 

Samoa  Convention,  295 

San  Stefano,  Treaty  of,  268,  270,  272 

Saturday  Review,  the,  249 

Scudamore,  Viscount,  134 

Seycelds,  the,  of  Allt  yr  Ynys,  4 — 6 

Shaftesbury,  Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  Earl  of,  131 

Shefi&eld,  Lord,  199,  218 


326 


INDEX 


Shrewsbury,  Earl  of,  150,  202 

Shuvalov,  Count,  270 — 272 

Sidney,  Sir  Philip,  57,  59  note 

Sitsilt,  Sir  James,  2,  3 

Sitsilt,  Sir  John,  2,  3 

Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  100 

Smith,  W.  H.,  285,  286 

Sneyd,  Rev.  William,  139,  140 

Somerset,  Edward  Seymour,  Earl  of  Hertford,  Duke  of,  21 — 25 

Southampton,  Earl  of,  165,  207 

Southampton,  Countess  of,  217 

Spanish-American  War,  295 

Spenser,  Edmund,  77 

Stafford,  Sir  Edward,  67 

Stamford,  Earl  of,  123,  124 

Stuart,  Arabella,  181 

Sudan,  reconquest  of  the,  296,  297 

Suffolk,  Thomas  Howard,  first  Earl  of,  207,  222 

Suffolk,  Duchess  of,  31,  39 

Sussex,  Earl  of,  63 

Tait,  Archbishop,  260 

Theobalds,  40 — 43,  202 — 206 

Throckmorton,  Sir  Nicholas,  45,  80,  84,  85 

Tradescant,  John,  209 

Triple  Alliance,  the,  287 

Tufton,  Anne,  Countess  of  Salisbury,  233 

Tufton,  Lady  (Frances  Cecil),  217,  233  note 

Turkey,  war  with  Russia,  268  ;  Armenian  massacres,  292,  293 

United  States  of  America,  294,  295 

Venezuela,  294 

Vere,  Lady  Bridget,  217 

Vere,  Sir  Edward,  114  note 

Vere,  Sir  Francis,  103 — 105 

Vere,  Sir  Horace,  109,  no,  113 

Vernon,  Emma,  wife  of  Henry  Cecil,  138 — 140 

Verrio,  Antonio,  135,  136 

Victoria,  Queen,  142,  300,  302 

Villiers,  Sir  John,  Viscount  Purbeck,  loi 

Walsingham,  Sir  Francis,  59,  62,  63,  68,  75,  121,  159,  172 

Warwick,  Earl  of.     See  Northumberland,  Duke  of. 

Wei-Hai-Wei,  296 

Wellesley,  Lord  Charles,  141  note 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  141  note,  242,  243 

Wentworth,  WilUam,  63 

West,    Lady    Mary    Catherine,    Marchioness    of    Salisbury    and 

afterwards  Countess  of  Derby,  244 — 246 
Westmeath,  Marquess  of,  240 
Whichcote,  Isabella,  Marchioness  of  Exeter,  145 
Whitgift,  Archbishop,  70,  71 


INDEX  327 


Wilberforce,  Bishop,  302,  303 

William  II.,  the  Emperor,  294 

Wilham  IV.,  242 

Wilson,  Thomas,  207 

Wimbledon  Hall,  94.  97 

Winchester,  William,  fourth  Marquess  of,  93,  loi 

Windebank,  Thomas,  80 — 88 

Wingfield,  Anthony,  202 

Winwood,  Sir  Ralph,  106 

Wissing,  William,  136 

Worcester,  Earl  of,  207 

Workmen's  Compensation  Act,  291 

Wothorpe  House,  98 

Wotton,  Sir  Edward,  218 

Wotton,  Sir  Henry,  174,  186 

Young,  Robert,  232 

ZoucH,  Sophie  (Viscountess  Wimbledon),  120 


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